Political processes in Egypt during the reign of the Muslim Brotherhood

Due to the comprehensiveness of Islam, the role of the “Islamic factor” in political processes in the Middle East and North Africa is great, while the nature of the manifestations of the “Islamic factor” largely depends among other things on the current state of modern religious educational institutions, including those serving as a forge of Islamic personnel today. One of the most prestigious universities in Islamic oikumene, giving religious education for Muslims from all over the world, is AlAzhar al-Sharif (the shorter Al-Azhar is more common). It was here that some famous thinkers studied, who further significantly contributed to the development of the so-called “political Islam”. This study is an attempt to clarify the role of Al-Azhar University and related Islamic scholars in the socio-political processes of the Middle East and North Africa. Conducting the research, the author largely turned to the sources of the Islamic religion (the Qur’an, Hadith), theological texts of a number of thinkers (for example, the interpretation of the Qur’an Rashid Rida), religious polemical works (the work of Sheikh Osama al-Azhari against the “Muslim Brotherhood” and other “Islamist” trends), documents compiled by the leadership of Al-Azhar; academic literature on related issues. The author came to the conclusion that the “Islamic factor” did not play a crucial role at the beginning of events, but vividly manifested itself subsequently. The actual suppression of Islam by secular dictators created a fertile ground for the acute discontent of believing citizens and activists of various movements who uphold a particular version of the Islamic political alternative. The most influential university in the Islamic world, Al-Azhar, in an official document, “Arab Spring”, indicated the possibility of a shift in despotic power, while emphasizing at the same time the inadmissibility of violent suppression of peaceful protest. Certain Azharite theologians were directly involved in the events of the “Arab Spring”, in particular, the passionate scholar Yusuf al-Qaradawi, associated with the Muslim Brotherhood movement and graduated from Al-Azhar, as well as Sheikh Emad Effat, who died during the suppression of an unarmed speech 15 December 2011. Such activity of various Islamic forces in the political sphere is primarily due to the very nature of the Islamic tradition, which does not separate the “sacred” and “profane”.

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Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories

Religions ◽

10.3390/rel12060408 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 12 (6) ◽

pp. 408

Author(s):

Houssem Ben Lazreg

Keyword(s):

Case Studies ◽

Muslim Brotherhood ◽

Religious Movement ◽

Political Processes ◽

Comparative Case Studies ◽

Similarities And Differences ◽

The Muslim Brotherhood ◽

To Come ◽

One Year ◽

Tunisian Revolution

In the wake of the Tunisian Revolution of 2011, Ennahda leader Rached Ghannouchi distanced his party from the main Islamist paradigm, which is spearheaded primarily by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and announced the separation of the religious movement entirely from its political wing (al-Siyasi and al-da’awi). In addition to reassuring Tunisians that Ennahda’s socio-political project is rooted in its “Tunisianity,” these measures aimed at signaling Ennahda’s joining the camp of post-Islamist parties and Muslim democrats such as the AKP in Turkey and the JDP in Morocco. In this article, using the comparative case studies, I examine the patterns, similarities, and differences between the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in terms of their evolutions from an Islamist to a post-Islamist discourse and identity. I argue that the Ennahda party outpaced the Muslim Brotherhood in that shift considering the local/regional realities and the new compromises dictated by the post-revolutionary political processes in both countries. Although the Muslim Brotherhood managed to come to power and govern for only one year before being deposed by the army, Ennahda’s political pragmatism (consensus, compromise, and coalition) enabled it to fare well, ultimately prodding the party to adapt and reposition itself intellectually and politically.

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The Dynamics of Egypt’s “Semi-opposition,” 2004–11

Contemporary Arab Affairs ◽

10.1525/caa.2019.12.4.83 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 12 (4) ◽

pp. 83-103

Author(s):

Mai Mogib Mosad

Keyword(s):

Public Sphere ◽

Political System ◽

Muslim Brotherhood ◽

The Public ◽

The Muslim Brotherhood ◽

The Public Sphere ◽

The Relationship

This paper maps the basic opposition groups that influenced the Egyptian political system in the last years of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. It approaches the nature of the relationship between the system and the opposition through use of the concept of “semi-opposition.” An examination and evaluation of the opposition groups shows the extent to which the regime—in order to appear that it was opening the public sphere to the opposition—had channels of communication with the Muslim Brotherhood. The paper also shows the system’s relations with other groups, such as “Kifaya” and “April 6”; it then explains the reasons behind the success of the Muslim Brotherhood at seizing power after the ousting of President Mubarak.

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Grievances against the Morsi Government

10.1093/oso/9780190688455.003.0006 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Kira D. Jumet

Keyword(s):

Sexual Harassment ◽

Presidential Elections ◽

Muslim Brotherhood ◽

Interview Data ◽

Political Appointments ◽

The Government ◽

The Muslim Brotherhood ◽

The Individual ◽

Political Economic

This chapter outlines the individual grievances arising from political, economic, social, and religious conditions under the government of Mohamed Morsi that became the foundations of opposition to his rule. It focuses on democracy in Egypt, the 2012 presidential elections, and the expectations and promises put forth by Morsi. The chapter also covers popular perceptions of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Freedom and Justice Party, grievances surrounding electricity and gas, security and sexual harassment, Morsi’s speeches and representation of Egypt on the international stage, and Morsi’s political appointments. The chapter relies on interview data and fieldwork conducted in Egypt during the year of Morsi’s presidency.

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Islamist Women as Candidates in Elections: A Comparison of the Party of Justice and Development in Morocco and the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

Die Welt des Islams ◽

10.1163/15700607-05734p04 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 57 (3-4) ◽

pp. 329-359 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Katarína Škrabáková

Keyword(s):

Supply And Demand ◽

Muslim Brotherhood ◽

Candidate Selection ◽

Demand Model ◽

Mena Region ◽

External Interference ◽

Female Candidates ◽

The Muslim Brotherhood ◽

Supply And Demand Model ◽

The Impact

This paper examines the legislative recruitment of women from conservative Islamist parties. It questions the common assumption that generally all Islamist parties are equally hostile to political participation and representation of women. For this purpose, two of the electorally most successful Islamist groups in the MENA region are compared, namely the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB) and its Moroccan offshoot, the Party of Justice and Development (PJD). The article seeks an explanation for diverging trends in female candidacy between these conservative religious movements, using the traditional supply and demand model of candidate selection. It argues that the less centralized and the more institutionalized parties (as is the case with the PJD) seem to be better equipped to facilitate women’s candidacy than the more oligarchic ones (the MB). In order to fully grasp the reasons behind the diverging trends in the nomination of female candidates from both Islamist parties, cultural factors are scrutinized as well. The article highlights the limits of the supply and demand model of candidate selection, which cannot explain instances of unexpected change in recruitment strategies based on external interference. Furthermore, it does not provide us the means to assess the impact of individual candidates’ ‘feminist credentials’ on overall female representation. 

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From Da‘wa in Europe to European Da‘wa: The Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafiyya in France and Britain

10.26351/2017.4 ◽

2017 ◽

pp. 79-103

Author(s):

Lisnyansky, Dina

Keyword(s):

Muslim Brotherhood ◽

The Muslim Brotherhood

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An Attempt to Prosecute: The Muslim Brotherhood’s Communication to the International Criminal Court Relating to the Alleged Crimes in Egypt

International Criminal Law Review ◽

10.1163/15718123-01504003 ◽

2015 ◽

Vol 15 (4) ◽

pp. 733-762

Author(s):

Hossam ElDeeb

Keyword(s):

Criminal Justice ◽

International Criminal Court ◽

Justice System ◽

Rome Statute ◽

International Criminal ◽

Muslim Brotherhood ◽

Criminal Court ◽

Political Debates ◽

Legal Position ◽

The Muslim Brotherhood

The article analyses a communication submitted by the Muslim Brotherhood group (mb) to the International Criminal Court (icc) relating to alleged crimes in Egypt. After the ousting of Morsi, hundreds of Morsi supporters were killed during the dispersal of two sit-in camps. The mb lawyers argued that the ousted, Morsi, is still the legitimate president of Egypt and hence can accept the Court’s jurisdiction pursuant to Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute. It is argued that such controversial communications submitted to the Court have serious implications other than the intended purpose of communications. The article briefly reviews the situation of Egypt’s criminal justice system in relation to the alleged crimes and the legal position of the mb, then analyses the scope of Article 12(3) before it critically argues that the communication submitted to the icc was for political gain and the Court should restrain itself from entering into political debates.

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