scholarly journals Rocking the Boat:The Participation Rhetoric Exposed: Why Should People Living in Poverty Have a Voice and Space at the United Nations?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Vicki Soanes

<p>Poverty is one of the most serious issues of our time, and the major seat of the poverty eradication discourse is at the United Nations. The term participation has increasingly featured in the high level poverty discourse in recent years, as well as in development practice. However, in contrast to other identity groups, such as women, indigenous people and people with disabilities, the participation of people living in poverty in high level UN processes is not given priority. They are not seen as an identity group in their own right, rather they are subsumed into others. Furthermore, any participation is assumed to be acceptably realised at the local level, with little priority placed on the facilitation of participation in transnational or global institutions such as the UN. NGOs are assumed to be able to represent the poor, a situation which is problematic and serves to further marginalise people living in poverty. As NGOs translate and represent, they effectively silence people living in poverty. In the absence of the poor, perceptions held by the general public and by decision makers about the poor continue to hamper the debate and restrict possible solutions. Furthermore, the exclusionary statistics-dominated language of UN debate and procedural restrictions present barriers to people living in poverty being meaningfully involved in the poverty discourse. Additionally, the overuse of statistics in these debates serves to abstract and dehumanise the poor. This thesis makes the normative argument that people living in poverty should have a place and space at the United Nations, as do other identity groups. Their participation represents an opportunity to force the debate beyond statistics, and expose the harsh realities of ongoing suffering resulting from the world's failure to act. Their testimony and input could provide an effective catalyst for mobilising political will. Drawing on critical theory, I argue that regular participation and testimony of the poor has the potential to pierce the political facade within which the powerful at the UN make decisions, with scant realisation of the often devastating consequences for the currently invisible poor. The conclusion drawn from this argument is that the poor must be allowed to be leaders of their own liberation and to reclaim their dignity.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Vicki Soanes

<p>Poverty is one of the most serious issues of our time, and the major seat of the poverty eradication discourse is at the United Nations. The term participation has increasingly featured in the high level poverty discourse in recent years, as well as in development practice. However, in contrast to other identity groups, such as women, indigenous people and people with disabilities, the participation of people living in poverty in high level UN processes is not given priority. They are not seen as an identity group in their own right, rather they are subsumed into others. Furthermore, any participation is assumed to be acceptably realised at the local level, with little priority placed on the facilitation of participation in transnational or global institutions such as the UN. NGOs are assumed to be able to represent the poor, a situation which is problematic and serves to further marginalise people living in poverty. As NGOs translate and represent, they effectively silence people living in poverty. In the absence of the poor, perceptions held by the general public and by decision makers about the poor continue to hamper the debate and restrict possible solutions. Furthermore, the exclusionary statistics-dominated language of UN debate and procedural restrictions present barriers to people living in poverty being meaningfully involved in the poverty discourse. Additionally, the overuse of statistics in these debates serves to abstract and dehumanise the poor. This thesis makes the normative argument that people living in poverty should have a place and space at the United Nations, as do other identity groups. Their participation represents an opportunity to force the debate beyond statistics, and expose the harsh realities of ongoing suffering resulting from the world's failure to act. Their testimony and input could provide an effective catalyst for mobilising political will. Drawing on critical theory, I argue that regular participation and testimony of the poor has the potential to pierce the political facade within which the powerful at the UN make decisions, with scant realisation of the often devastating consequences for the currently invisible poor. The conclusion drawn from this argument is that the poor must be allowed to be leaders of their own liberation and to reclaim their dignity.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
Meghna Tare

In 2003, in response to the United Nations (UN) Decade of Education for Sustainable Development, the United Nations University (UNU) Institute for the Advanced Study of Sustainability launched a global multi-stakeholder network of Regional Centers of Expertise (RCEs) on education for sustainable development (ESD). RCEs facilitate multi-sector collaboration and utilize formal, non-formal, and informal education to address sustainable development challenges in local and regional communities. In essence, RCEs are a tool for transformation to a more sustainable society, combining education and action for sustainable development. As we enter the new "ESD for 2030" decade, RCEs will continue to construct platforms for cross-sectoral dialogue between regional stakeholders and actors to promote and strengthen ESD at the local level. RCEs have committed to helping advance the five priority areas of action established in the Global Action Program on ESD and the new UN decade "ESD for 2030": advancing policy by mainstreaming ESD, transforming learning and training environments using whole-institution approaches, building capacities of educators and trainers, empowering and mobilizing youth, and accelerating sustainable solutions at the local level. RCEs are uniquely positioned to serve as shepherds in the realization of the new "ESD for 2030" decade. As of January 2019, 174 RCEs have officially been acknowledged by UNU worldwide, with eight RCEs in the United States: Georgetown, South Carolina; Grand Rapids, Michigan; Greater Atlanta, Georgia; Greater Burlington, Vermont; Greater Portland, Oregon; North Texas, Texas; Salisbury, Maryland; and Shenandoah Valley, Virginia. RCEs serve an essential role in the achievement of "ESD for 2030" goals by translating global objectives into the local contexts of our communities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 682-693 ◽  
Author(s):  
Víctor Genina

On September 19th, 2016, the United Nations (UN) General Assembly adopted Resolution 71/1, the text of the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants (the “New York Declaration”). Resolution 71/1 is the outcome document of the high-level plenary meeting on addressing large movements of refugees and migrants, held at the UN headquarters. The New York Declaration reflects how UN member states have decided to address the challenge of large movements of people in two main legal categories: asylum seekers/refugees and migrants. Resolution 71/1 includes an annex titled “Towards a Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration” (the “global compact for migration” or “global compact”). This document is comprised of several thematic issues related to international migration that will be the basis of a globally negotiated agreement on how member states should respond to international migration at the national, regional, and international levels, as well as to issues related to international migration and development. The global compact for migration is intended to be adopted at a conference on international migration and development before the inauguration of the 73rd annual session of the UN General Assembly in September 2018. This paper addresses how UN member states should plan to address international migration in the future. It does not refer to refugees and asylum seekers: a global compact on refugees will be drafted by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in 2018, and to be presented to the UN General Assembly for states' consideration during its 73rd annual session, which starts in September 2018.1 For those who have been involved in migration issues within the United Nations, the fact that member states have finally agreed to convene an international conference on international migration represents a major achievement. It is the result of an extended process that started decades ago and was made possible by a long chain of efforts by many state delegations and other stakeholders. The global compact for migration will not be the first outcome document dealing exclusively with international migration. A declaration2 adopted at a high-level meeting at the United Nations in October 2013, for example, paved the way for the 2018 conference. Nonetheless, the global compact represents a unique opportunity to address international migration comprehensively and humanely. This paper contributes to the discussion on the elements that should be included in the global compact for migration. The paper is divided into two sections. The first section analyzes the main elements of Annex II, “Towards a Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration,” and the criteria that needs to be adopted in order to achieve a substantive outcome. In particular, participants in the negotiation process should aim to balance the concerns of states and the members of host societies, on one hand, with the needs and rights of migrants, on the other. The second section includes proposals to enrich the final global compact for migration and takes into account two documents written by two different actors within the UN system, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Migration, and the Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants. In particular, the paper proposes that the global compact for migration: • sets forth principles that can inform the actions of governments in relation to international migration at all levels; • enunciates a clearer definition of state protection responsibilities in relation to migrants in crisis situations and so-called “mixed flows”3; affords a substantive role to civil society organizations, the private sector, and academic institutions in the global compact's follow-up and review process; • defines the institutional framework for the implementation and follow-up of the global compact within the United Nations, including through the work of the UN High-level Political Forum on Sustainable Development (HLPF); • establishes a mechanism to fund migration policies for states that lack enough resources to invest sufficiently in this task; and • builds a cooperation-oriented, peer-review mechanism to review migration policies. The paper has been conceived as an input for those who will take part in the negotiation of the global compact for migration, as well as those who will closely follow those negotiations. Thus, the paper assumes a level of knowledge on how international migration has been addressed within the United Nations during the last several years and of the complexities of these negotiation processes. The author took part in different UN negotiation processes on international migration from 2004 to 2013. The paper is primarily based on this experience.4


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 246-270
Author(s):  
Rusni Djafar ◽  
Umar Sune

This study aims to explain and analyze empowerment-based poverty alleviation programs through the activities of assistance, facilitation and promotion and determinant factors of success in empowerment-based poverty eradication in Pohuwato District. This research method using qualitative approach, descriptive type to get a complete picture of problem of resource development of apparatus. The results of the research show that the assistance activities through training, consultation and technical assistance, and similar activities have not been coordinated with other supporting programs, making it difficult for the facilitator task as a program facilitator. Empowering the poor through the provision of facilities, has not been able to improve the capacity of the community. The low capacity and quality of service of government apparatus from the local level to the rural level, so that the provision of facilities does not allow the involvement of the poor. A highly centralized bureaucratic system and a highly authoritarian political system that has been practiced for more than four decades in Indonesia, brings out the weaknesses of the bureaucratic character. Promotion activities in the context of empowering the poor as an activity aimed at developing responsive services, the reality has not been effective in helping facilitate the poor to access various development programs that are beneficial to improving the welfare of the poor by earning productive employment. Activities that require synergies of cooperation between institutions / organizations (Government, Private, NGOs), difficult to realize because the dominance of egoism interests of each stakeholders in addressing every village development program. It is recommended to optimize training, consultation and technical assistance activities, as well as similar activities coordinated with support programs. Provision of adequate supporting facilities that can empower the poor on an ongoing basis, and streamline promotion to develop responsive services that enable poor people to access programs.Need to pay attention to communication factor, resources, attitude, and bureaucracy structure,so asnot tohinder the smooth implementation of poverty eradication program based on empowerment society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 1-1
Author(s):  
Ayako Kagawa ◽  
Kyoung-Soo Eom

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development or also known as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is the new global paradigm and blueprint to achieve a better and more sustainable future for all. To collectively achieve the SDGs, the global community agreed on 17 Goals as a baseline framework to measure and monitor its growth. How to measure and monitor development progress by countries has been a long-standing debate since the era of Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in the 2000s but with the establishment of Inter-Agency and Expert Group on SDG Indicators (IAEG-SDGs), the SDGs have a clearer framework on how to monitor progress and the global community are grappling on how to effectively collect, analyse, visualise and report their successes.</p><p>Within the United Nations, there is the desire to elaborate collectively principles and tools on how best to report the SDGs at country and local level as its success lies in the ownership and accountability at all levels. The Secretary-General of the United Nations is looking into how technologies can accelerate the SDGs and to facilitate the alignments with the values enshrined in the United Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the norms and standards of International Laws.</p><p>In this paradigm, what should be the role of cartographers and geospatial information management experts to ensure how maps and geospatial information can be effectively used by the global community to communicate their challenges and successes from planning to implementing, monitoring, analysing, visualising and reporting on sustainable development? This paper argues the importance of understanding the challenges, asking questions to the policy makers, sharing best practices and building a consensus on the issues surrounding the SDGs before demonstrating the diverse cartographic skills available to design and communicate the intended message better. Hence, the importance of context has never changed and provides the cartographic and geospatial information management community an opportunity to demonstrate the potential and to provide effective support through cartography for the accomplishment of the sustainable development agenda.</p>


Author(s):  
Castellani Luca ◽  
Emery Cyril

This chapter evaluates the relationship between the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL) and the Hague Principles. The UNCITRAL texts, starting with the early drafts of the United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods (CISG), have provided solid ground in support of freedom of contract. In providing a uniform model applicable to multiple jurisdictions, the CISG ensures a high level of safeguard of parties’ wills. In particular, the CISG promotes the well-established principle of party autonomy by virtue of its Article 6, which allows parties to the contract to opt out entirely of its provisions and hence to choose another law more appropriate to their needs. Given UNCITRAL’s desire to further facilitate use of the CISG by traders and in light of its focus on freedom of contract and party autonomy, it is not surprising that the UNCITRAL Secretariat took a particular interest in the development by the Hague Conference on Private International Law of the Principles on Choice of Law in International Commercial Contracts (2015) and the related Commentary. The chapter then looks at UNCITRAL’s endorsement of the Hague Principles.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (17) ◽  
pp. 4598
Author(s):  
Farnia ◽  
Cavalli ◽  
Lizzi ◽  
Vergalli

In this paper, we deal with the issue of measuring the Agenda 2030 at the urban level in Italy; the results are useful for the policy analysis and dissemination of sustainable development at the local level. The proposed tool merges 53 available economic, social and environmental elementary indicators into 16 composite indices and one composite dimension representing 16 out of 17 Sustainable Developments Goals (SDGs) adopted by the United Nations in 2015. The contribution of the paper is twofold: While the results of the indices show the geographical and demographic heterogeneity within the country when considering each of the 16 dimensions, the methodological discussion highlights the complexity of the phenomena, due to the multidimensional definition of the Agenda 2030.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Majid Asadnabizadeh

AbstractDevelopment of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change Negotiations (UNFCCC) is based on the Conference of the Parties meetings. The Paris accord is a political act setting goals to, operationalize the rulebook agreement. The 24th Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in Poland agreed on a set of guidelines for implementing the landmark 2015 Paris Climate Change Agreement. Katowice was a major step forward for operationalizing the Paris Agreement perspective though the negotiations were incomplete. The Article 6 chapter- market and non-market cooperative approaches- is being sent for completion to the next COP in Santiago. The present research has stressed that in COP25, article 6 would increase high level engagement of countries to finalize guidance with a perspective to prepare a decision by the end of the COP.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document