Hegels Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts. Ein dialogischer Kommentar

Author(s):  
Pirmin Stekeler
Keyword(s):  

Von Geist und Denken von Hegels „Rechtsphilosophie“ sind wir durch eine bloß scheinbar gemeinsame Sprache getrennt wie sprichwörtlich England und die Vereinigten Staaten. Die Folge ist, dass Hegels Grundlegung aller Staats- und Sozialwissenschaften den einen zu konservativ, den anderen zu liberal ist, den einen als restaurativ, den anderen als sozialrevolutionär erscheint. Stekelers Kommentar zeigt dagegen, dass es Hegel in erster Linie um eine radikale Säkularisierung jedes Grund- und Verfassungsrechts samt zugehöriger Ethik und Moral geht. Wir können uns weder mit einem Gesetz beruhigen, das mythisch, d. h. rein verbal, auf einen Gott zurückgeführt wird, noch mit einem „Naturrecht“ oder einer „Vernunftmoral“. Die Aufgabe ist vielmehr, alle normativen Rechte und Pflichten als Antworten auf Probleme freier Kooperation und damit als notwendige Bedingungen freien Personseins explizit zu machen. Hegels freiheitspraktische Begründung des Staates im Sinn des Gesamts aller öffentlichen Angelegenheiten der res publica beginnt daher unter dem Titel eines abstrakten Rechts mit ganz allgemeinen handlungstheoretischen Selbstverständlichkeiten. Es folgt eine radikale Kritik an der bloß subjektiven Moral Kants und eine Explikation der grundlegenden Praxisformen der Familie und der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft mit ihrem vertragsgestützten Austausch von Leistungen.

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Günter Zöller
Keyword(s):  

1973 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. 50-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fergus Millar

More than thirty years after its publication The Roman Revolution still stands unrivalled, not as the ‘definitive’ account of the emergence of a monarch from the ruins of the Republic but as something far more than that, the demonstration of a new method in the presentation of historical change. The aspect of this method, which has found most imitation, is of course prosopography; and it is indeed essential to it. But far more important is the use made of contemporary literature to mirror events, and to analyse and define the concepts and the terms in which the events were seen by those who lived through them.It is the common characteristic, perhaps even the definition, of great works of history that they invite imitation and offer a challenge, not just to apply their methods and standards to other areas, but to pursue their own conclusions further. The present paper is gratefully offered as an attempt to portray with a different emphasis some aspects of the establishment of Octavian as a monarch, first by demonstrating the extent to which the institutions of the res publica remained active in the Triumviral period, and secondly by redefining the change which culminated in 27 B.C., precisely by asking again in what terms it and the novus status which emerged from it were seen by contemporaries.


1947 ◽  
Vol 37 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 135-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. M. C. Toynbee

Little more than a decade after Constantine's conversion to Christianity the ancient gods and goddesses of the Graeco-Roman pantheon ceased to appear upon the official coinage and public monuments of the Empire. The personifications—Victoria, Virtus, Pax, Libertas, Securitas, etc., and the ‘geographical’ figures of Res Publica, Roma, Tellus, cities, countries, and tribes—remained. Yet some of these had, up to that very time, received, like the Olympians, their shrines and altars and other honours associated with pagan cultus; and we ask ourselves how it was that a Christian State, while rejecting the one, could retain and ‘baptize’ the other. The answer to this question, which involves the whole complex problem of the nature of pagan religious belief under the later Empire, can only be tentatively suggested here. The pantheon had eventually to go because its denizens had possessed, for the great majority of pagans, a real, objective, and independent existence.


Antichthon ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 57-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
W.K. Lacey
Keyword(s):  
The One ◽  

While the exact meaning of Res Gestae 34, the powers of Augustus at various moments in his principate, and the significance of his auctoritas have been extensively argued, more practical questions about how his political arrangements might have been set into action have not generally excited much interest. In 1974 I put forward a suggestion about how the so-called first settlement of 27 B.C. came about. It was, in brief, that Octavian, as he then was, used the traditional consular mechanisms, and proposed for debate in the Senate a motion, de provinciis consularibus, and this explains why, on the one hand, the result of the debate was that he had provinces allocated to him, and, on the other, claims could be made that the res publica was restored, because one of the things which characterized res publica (as distinct from dictatorship or triumviral rule) was that the determination of who should command which army stationed in the provinces now lay, ostensibly at least, with the publicum consilium, the Senate.


PMLA ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 127 (4) ◽  
pp. 1010-1015
Author(s):  
Celeste Langan

When my berkeley colleague the poet robert hass wrote for the new york times an account of the occupy cal event of 9 november 2011, he described the “strange contingencies” that struck his mind (even as the police baton struck his body). Since that day, when I was arrested (the police used a technique they call a hair-pull takedown) for linking arms with students to protect tents erected in solidarity with Occupy and in defiance of the campus's no-tents policy, I too have felt those contingencies. My decision to participate was no accident; I wanted to resist the conceptual and practical attenuation of the ideal of education as a res publica. But at the time of my arrest I had not yet recognized how much Occupy resonates with issues I have made the center of my scholarly life: vagrancy, mobility, freedom. This brief essay considers the new inflection Occupy has given to my understanding of the work of education. To exercise freedom of thought is not merely to engage heterodox ideas; it is to make thinking take place and take its time. It is to refuse attempts to constrain, by regulations concerning time, place, and manner, the public exercise of thinking.


The Lancet ◽  
1908 ◽  
Vol 171 (4404) ◽  
pp. 243-244
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-91
Author(s):  
Ygor Klain Belchior
Keyword(s):  

Este artigo tem como objetivo estudar a relação entre boatos, opinião pública e assassinatos políticos no mundo antigo, a partir do exemplo do caso de Júlio César. Almejando tal intento, discutimos, primeiramente, a afinidade entre boatos e a opinião pública no mundo romano, para, depois, apresentemos como a memória social da monarquia foi empregada pelos opositores políticos de César visando a promoção de boatos sobre a posição do Ditador como se ele fosse um monarca, isto é, alguém passível de ser assassinado para o bem da Res Publica. Ao final, tratamos de como a opinião pública lidou com esses boatos.


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