scholarly journals IMPLIKASI PENDAYAGUNAAN DOKTER SPESIALIS TERHADAP PEMERATAAN PELAYANAN KESEHATAN SPESIALISTIK DAN HAK ASASI MANUSIA DI INDONESIA

2020 ◽  
pp. 599-615
Author(s):  
Dovi Hakiki
Keyword(s):  
Forced Labour

Dalam rangka peningkatan akses dan pemenuhan kebutuhan masyarakat terhadap pelayanan kesehatan spesialistik, perlu dilakukan upaya pemerataan dokter spesialis di seluruh Indonesia, khususnya di daerah tertinggal, perbatasan, dan kepulauan (DTPK) dan daerah bermasalah kesehatan, Upaya pemerataan dokter spesialis dilakukan melalui program Pendayagunaan Dokter Spesialis sebagai bentuk pengabdian kepada negara guna meningkatkan mutu pelayanan kesehatan. Negara turut berperan dalam proses pendidikan dokter spesialis dengan memberikan subsidi dalam penyelenggaraan pendidikan kedokteran program spesialis. Pendayagunaan Dokter Spesialis adalah penempatan dokter spesialis di rumah sakit milik pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah dan Peserta Pendayagunaan dokter spesialis adalah setiap dokter spesialis yang baru lulus pendidikan kedokteran program dokter spesialis, yang terdiri dari Peserta mandiri serta Peserta penerima beasiswa dan/atau program bantuan biaya pendidikan. Pendayagunaan dokter spesialis dilaksanakan di Rumah Sakit milik pemerintah dan pemerintah daerah utamanya di RS DTPK, RS Rujukan Regional, RS Rujukan Provinsi dan RS milik Pemerintah dan Pemda lainnya dalam menjalankan program pendayagunaan Dokter spesialis pemerintah tentan dengan pelanggaran terhadap Hak Asasi Manusia yang telah diatur dengan undang-undang Nomor 19 Tahun 1999 tentang Pengesahan Ilo Convention No. 105 Concerning The Abolition Of Forced Labour (Konvensi Ilo Mengenai Penghapusan Kerja Paksa) namun demikian perlu dilakukan analisis terhadap implementasi pendayagunaan dokter spesialis agar para tenaga kesehatan ini terlindungi dari unsur pemaksaan ataupun pelanggaran terhadap hak asasi manusia.Kata kunci: Pendayagunaan Dokter Spesialis; Undang-Undang; Dokter Spesialis.

Book Reviews

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-137
Author(s):  
Sabine von Mering ◽  
Luke B. Wood ◽  
J. Nicholas Ziegler ◽  
John Bendix ◽  
Marcus Colla ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Nuclear Power ◽  
Mutual Recognition ◽  
Third Reich ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Modern Germany ◽  
Princeton University ◽  
The Third Reich ◽  
Forced Labour

Dolores L. Augustine, Taking on Technocracy: Nuclear Power in Germany, 1945 to the Present (New York: Berghahn Books, 2018)Michael Meng and Adam R. Seipp, Modern Germany in Transatlantic Perspective (New York: Berghahn Books, 2017)Cynthia Miller-Idriss, The Extreme Gone Mainstream: Commercialization and Far Right Youth Culture in Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017)Constantin Goschler, ed. Compensation in Practice: The Foundation ‘Remembrance, Responsibility and Future’ and the Legacy of Forced Labour during the Third Reich (New York: Berghahn Books, 2017)Albert Earle Gurganus, Kurt Eisner: A Modern Life (Rochester: Camden House, 2018)Claudia Sternberg, Kira Gartzou-Katsouyanni, and Kalypso Nicolaïdis, The Greco-German Affair in the Euro Crisis: Mutual Recognition Lost? (London: Palgrave MacMillan, 2018)

scholarly journals Forced labour in supply chains: Rolling back the debate on gender, migration and sexual commerce

2021 ◽  
pp. 135050682110207
Author(s):  
Rutvica Andrijasevic
Keyword(s):  
Supply Chain ◽  
Supply Chains ◽  
Sex Work ◽  
Social Reproduction ◽  
The Other ◽  
Law And Policy ◽  
Labour Exploitation ◽  
Separate Treatment ◽  
Forced Labour ◽  
Sexual Commerce

This article makes a conceptual contribution to the broader literature on unfree labour by challenging the separate treatment of sexual and industrial labour exploitation both by researchers and in law and policy. This article argues that the prevailing focus of the supply chain literature on industrial labour has inadvertently posited sexual labour as the ‘other’ of industrial labour thus obfuscating how the legal blurring of boundaries between industrial and service labour is engendering new modalities of the erosion of workers’ rights that are increasingly resembling those typical of sex work. This article advances the debate on unfree labour both conceptually and empirically. Conceptually, it highlights the relevance of social reproduction in understanding forms of labour unfreedom. Empirically, it demonstrates the similarities in forms of control and exploitation between sex work and industrial work by illustrating how debt and housing operate in both settings.

Culture and Contracts: The Historical Legacy of Forced Labour

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur Blouin
Keyword(s):  
Family History ◽  
Historical Legacy ◽  
Colonial Policy ◽  
Ethnic Tension ◽  
History Of ◽  
Forced Labour ◽  
Divide And Rule

Abstract Can divide-and-rule colonial policy be responsible for contemporary ethnic tension? This paper empirically investigates the role of a divisive and extractive colonial policy on Hutu-Tutsi discord in Rwanda and Burundi. It shows that Hutu with a family history of subjugation to forced labour by Tutsi chiefs are less trusting of Tutsi today and less willing to partner with Tutsi for a cooperative task. This may have implications for agriculture insurance agreements since Hutu are more agrarian and Tutsi are more pastoral. Indeed, Hutu with a forced labour family history make fewer inter-household insurance agreements and are more likely to experience default.

Forced Labour in the “Gorgulho Years”: Understanding Reform and Repression in Rural São Tomé e Príncipe, 1945–1953

Itinerario ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Keese
Keyword(s):  
Economic Change ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
History Of ◽  
Colonial Policies ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
Incomplete Images ◽  
Forced Labour ◽  
Sao Tome E Principe

The crossroads of nationalist historiographies in sub-Saharan Africa and of the history of developmentalist attempts that characterise the European late colonial states, have left us with very incomplete images of important trajectories. In the seemingly more “liberal” large colonial empires—notably the French and British—sails were set by 1945 towards a policy of investment and economic change. Some of the scholarly debates question whether this investment was genuine or just a last resort to avoid (rapid) decolonisation; others put the emphasis on inadequate routines of development implemented in these territories, many of which have apparently been continued since decolonisation.In this context, we encounter a clear lack of understanding about how decisions made by individual actors on the administrative level interacted with the larger panorama of social conditions in colonial territories, and of the consequences that these interactions had for the paths towards decolonisation. For a smaller empire such as the Belgian colony of Congo-Léopoldville, these processes are still more obscure; and for the colonies ruled by authoritarian metropoles, as in the cases of territories under Spanish and Portuguese rule, stagnation and absence of change are often taken for granted. In other words, these territories, which were under the rule of metropoles regarded as rather weak in economic terms, are treated as unrepresentative of the broader, European movement towards change in colonial policies. However, the conditions of change towards economic and social modernisation in this latter group of empires, even when inhibited by lack of funding and weak professionalisation of the administration, are frequently very telling for the broader range of challenges that the late colonial states faced.

Form as Weapon: the Political Function of Song in Urban Zimbabwean Theatre

2000 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 148-154
Author(s):  
Martin Rohmer
Keyword(s):  
San Francisco ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
Cultural Management ◽  
Political Function ◽  
Humboldt University ◽  
Forced Labour ◽  
And Performance ◽  
The University

In Zimbabwean society, what may not be spoken sometimes becomes acceptable in song – whether to avoid social taboos and enable a wife to complain against her mother-in-law, or in broadening the boundaries of political protest. In this article, Martin Rohmer looks back to the ways in which song enabled forms of protest against forced labour and other aspects of colonial rule – in times of outward compliance as well as of direct struggle – and considers how urban theatre groups in independent Zimbabwe have adapted the tradition to their own, contemporary ends. Martin Rohmer spent almost two years studying Zimbabwean theatre when a research assistant at the University of Bayreuth, and completed his doctorate on Theatre and Performance in Zimbabwe at the Humboldt University, Berlin, in 1997. Since then he has been working in the field of cultural management for the Young Artists' Festival in Bayreuth. The present paper was first presented at the Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association in San Francisco in November 1996.

International Labor Organization

1952 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-306
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
Forced Labor ◽  
Labor Organization ◽  
International Labor Organization ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Council Decision ◽  
International Labor ◽  
Forced Labour

The ad hoc Committee on Forced Labor which was established jointly by the United Nations and the International Labor Organization, pursuant to an Economic and Social Council decision of March 1951,1 held its first session in Geneva from October 8 to 27, 1951.3 The committee, composed of Sir Ramaswami Mudaliar (India, chairman), Paal Berg (Norway) and F. F. Palavicini (Mexico), issued an invitation to all non-governmental organizations to supply it with documentary material and information. The committee reported that it would have to investigate “all the laws and regulations of the various states which might illustrate the different systems of forced labour employed in those States”, adding that it might also have to investigate existing administrative practices which enable forced labor to be put into effect. At its next session, scheduled to be held at New York from May 26 to July 3, 1952, the committee was to examine the replies of governments to its questionnaire, as well as hear and question the representatives of interested non-governmental organizations.

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