URDU-22 Historical review of the beginning and evolution of feudal system and its social and political impact in Saraiki District Dera Ghazi Khan

Majority people of the District are Saraiki speaking in Dera Ghazi Khan but they under the strong hold of Baloch feudal Lords. Feudalism is not a new issue in our society actually it is an ancient issue of the human society. The term feudalism was started from Europe in medical period during the decline of Roman empire. The continuous wars between Great Britain and France divided the people and stratification of society appeared in Europe. Feudalism was very close to the policy of divide and rule. In 1857 colonial Government was established in India and they also exercised the same. They won the second Sikh war in 1849 and then with annexation of Punjab they became the ruler of India. With their extension policy they marched toward the west of Indus. During forward policy they granted and obliged the various tribes of Dera Ghazi Khan. But after 1854 when they marched in Balochistan they faced a strong and powerful resistance in the tribal belt of Dera Ghazi which was an important route and area before Balochistan. The continual resistance forced the colonial government to negotiate with tribes. In this regard Robert Sandeman was given the Task to manage these tribes and after mutual discussion in 1866 Sandeman became successful to form the Tumans in Dera Ghazi Khan. The tribal Chief was appointed as a Tumandar. Tumandar or the feudal lord is very powerful in his Tuman and the feudal system is still existing even in 21st century.

No Common Ground: A Spatial-Relational Analysis of EU-China Relations

It is no secret that EU member states cannot come to terms on a unified China-policy. Most studies on EU-China relations come to the conclusion that disagreement exists and that this fragmentation is utilized by Chinese foreign policy in a kind of divide and rule strategy. However, the question as to why the EU members disagree has not been answered satisfactorily. This paper investigates the reasons for this discord from the perspective of the core-periphery theory. We illustrate how the spatial position of nations within Europe–in a geographical and political sense–shapes their outlook on China. As a case study to illustrate the differences in the outlook on China of among EU member countries, we analyse the discourses on Chinese COVID-19 vaccines in the Hungarian and German press from April 2020 until summer 2021. We argue that these differences have their grounds in the spatial-relational positioning at either the core or the semi-periphery of the EU. Based on our findings we suggest that a sustainable EU China-policy has first to address these differences in foreign policy outlook and then find a common ground.

To count or not to count? Insights from Kenya for global debates about enumerating ethnicity in national censuses

There is an impasse on the question of whether or not to enumerate identity groups in national censuses, given their potential to variously facilitate dominance and an emergence from marginalisation. In this paper, we theorise the impasse in Kenya as relating to a colonial history of the strategic use of ethnicity to divide and rule; a demographic makeup with both some large ethnic groups and many small ones; and the local social construction of ethnicity, which allows significant latitude for collapse, disaggregation and change of group identities. This case corrects the dominance of Europe and the Americas in census studies and offers insights for assessing the political stakes of counting, namely, the need to bring past and present into conversation; to consider the varied political effects of demography; and to consider the particular significance and meaning of ethnicity and race in context.

FROM REGIONALISM TO KOSLI NATIONALISM AND BEYOND: THE DEMAND FOR A SEPARATE STATE IN WESTERN ODISHA

If we analyze the discourses on regionalism in India or even while trying to make sense of such a tendency, we may find that from a long time, even during the period of British colonialism, regional forces have had their impact at the level of organization of political system in their own ways. Needless to recall that when the Britishers entered India, they could sense the regional variations very well and therefore, established ‘divide and rule’ policy to suit their administration as well as to be fitted to the regional demands and peculiarities. It is, no wonder therefore, to find that the anti-colonial freedom struggle was not a process free of contradictions and variations over different regions. The fact of the matter was that the ‘national’ issue, namely, to establish a free independent and sovereign India superseded all the parochial claims of various regions and their demands. And it is, needless to say that these regional interests and demands, which were subdued during the freedom struggle found an expression and were articulated even within the first decade of India’s independence, which has, in fact, grown both in its number and its intensity with every passage of time, which are reflected in various regional movements, over the period. In this paper, we discuss such a movement taking its stride with every passage of day, in the western part of Odisha—both in its historical as well as contemporary contexts. We make an attempt to bring out what have been the historical causes which have given birth to such a tendency and the contours and trajectories that such a movement is going through over the period, including the current state of affairs as regards Kosal Movement, which is increasingly becoming so vociferous that we can hardly ignore it—either as an observer, as an analyst or as an activist—for or against the call for a separate state in Western Odisha.

Contamination in Reference Sequence Databases: Time for Divide-and-Rule Tactics

Contaminating sequences in public genome databases is a pervasive issue with potentially far-reaching consequences. This problem has attracted much attention in the recent literature and many different tools are now available to detect contaminants. Although these methods are based on diverse algorithms that can sometimes produce widely different estimates of the contamination level, the majority of genomic studies rely on a single method of detection, which represents a risk of systematic error. In this work, we used two orthogonal methods to assess the level of contamination among National Center for Biotechnological Information Reference Sequence Database (RefSeq) bacterial genomes. First, we applied the most popular solution, CheckM, which is based on gene markers. We then complemented this approach by a genome-wide method, termed Physeter, which now implements a k-folds algorithm to avoid inaccurate detection due to potential contamination of the reference database. We demonstrate that CheckM cannot currently be applied to all available genomes and bacterial groups. While it performed well on the majority of RefSeq genomes, it produced dubious results for 12,326 organisms. Among those, Physeter identified 239 contaminated genomes that had been missed by CheckM. In conclusion, we emphasize the importance of using multiple methods of detection while providing an upgrade of our own detection tool, Physeter, which minimizes incorrect contamination estimates in the context of unavoidably contaminated reference databases.

Antimonies of Crude Oil Production in the Niger Delta: Reflection on Ahmed Yerima’s Trilogy

We learn from history that some consequences of abysmal government policies and dysfunctional tactics include socio-economic retrogression, increased deprivation ideology, victimhood, rebellion, war and revolution; and theorists have provided several plausible contextualizations for elucidation. One of such conceptualizations is Ted Robert Gurr’s theory of relative deprivation, which can be applied to illuminate sufficiently how discontent enacted in Ahmed Yerima’s trilogy can lead to aggressive responses. Thus, through an interpretive approach, we shall look at how Yerima portrays creatively in his trilogy – Hard Ground, Little Drops, and Ipomu why a show of force, divide and rule, carrot and stick tactics by successive Nigerian governments have exacerbated grief, restiveness and rebellion in Niger Delta because of unwholesome oil exploitation and ineffectual corporate social responsibility approaches. In the end, this study proposes that Niger Delta oil exploitation related discontent will fester and linger if functional inclusiveness and proportional infrastructural development are not deployed progressively.

Chad’s president aims to ‘divide and rule’

Significance Key rebel groups have welcome Deby’s appeal. However, the Front for Alternation and Concord in Chad (FACT), which killed President Idriss Deby in April, has set conditions for their participation. Impacts A general amnesty would show that Deby is committed to a national reconciliation and that he is taking a different stance from his father. Deby is highly likely to resign from the military to enable him to run for president. France is almost certain to maintain some military presence in Chad even after the end of Operation Barkhane. The Deby government will keep relying on France’s military presence to help fend off rebel incursions.

Coloniality and/as Development in Kashmir: Econonationalism

This article identifies the colonial imperative of ‘we must develop them, with or without their consent’, which is used by the Indian state in order to dominate Kashmiri Muslims, and argues that this notion of development combines patriarchal silencing of the subjugated as well as a gendered fantasy of liberating oppressed Kashmiri women and minorities. While the colonial nature of Indian rule over Kashmir has been a long-term phenomenon, the focus in this article will primarily be on a specific political transformation imposed by the Indian state since August 2019, when even the pretence of autonomy and recognition was given up, and all phenomena constituting coloniality became conspicuous and acute. Adopting a feminist lens, I highlight nine features of contemporary Indian coloniality in Kashmir: denial of consent, paternalism, violence, enforced silencing, lack of accountability, arbitrariness, divide and rule, humiliation and a specious idea of development. I further argue that such a notion of coloniality as development is better understood as ‘econonationalism’ (akin to homonationalism and femonationalism), where the supposed liberatory ideas are rhetorically deployed to mask a dehumanising subjugation.