scholarly journals Il cane dell’ortolano de Lope de Vega según Ameyden, Gasparetti y Fiorellino

Author(s):  
Marcella Trambaioli

Lope de Vega’s posthumous fame in Italy differs according to the ages: if in the 17th century he was really appreciated and his dramas and comedies were often translated, adapted and represented, nowadays he’s practically absent in the dramatic production and there are just a few titles available in Italian translation. This also happens for his masterpieces. The case of El perro del hortelano is quite interesting, since there are three versions, by Ameyden, Gasparetti and Fiorellino, belonging to different periods and different conceptions of translation and literary taste. This article tries to analyse them in a comparative perspective.

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-260
Author(s):  
Michael Ryzhik

Abstract This article analyzes five translations of the siddur (‘prayer book’) into Judeo-Italian. Three of the versions are manuscripts from the 15th century, one is the printed 1506 Fano edition, and the last is a manuscript from the 17th century. A common tradition underlies all of these translations and has much in common with Judeo-Provençal translations; this likely represents an ancient Judeo-Romance tradition of translation, which expresses itself differently in each manuscript. The 17th-century translation displays northern linguistic features; it is more Toscanized and normalized than the four other translations and has lost many typical traits of “classical” Judeo-Italian. The 15th-century translations also differ from one another in their spelling, phonology, morphology, vocabulary, and syntax. The main reason for this great variety seems to be the fact that the common old tradition prescribed only the general lines of translation. The biblical passages such as the Shema‘ Israel, are translated in a much more standardized way, but these passages nevertheless retain peculiarities. It therefore seems that a synoptic edition rather than a critical one must be made, in order to describe and analyze the different variations of the Judeo-Italian translations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Corinna Onelli

The paper presents a 17th-century translation of the Satyricon into Italian transmitted in manuscript. The translation is anonymous and presumably was intended for the illegal market of clandestine manuscripts. Material evidence shows that the translation actually circulated across time and among popular readers. The comparison between the Italian translation and 16th – and 17th editions of Petronius has revealed that the translator started his work on the obsolete text of the excerpta brevia (that is, the Satyricon as published before1575) and then shifted to the the excerpta longiora tradition, likely using the Satyricon edition published in 1601 (reprinted in 1608). Such a mixture of source texts proves the translator’s total lack of philological accuracy. In addition, he made several translation errors. However, surprisingly enough, the Italian translation underpins an excellent work of textual criticism on Petronius’ text. The suggested explanation is that the translator or a later reviser emendated the translation following a highly specialised commentary. Some translation errors, in fact, can be explained only as critical indications that have been completely misunderstood. The papers concludes putting in relation the success of the Satyricon among 17th-century popular readers with its reception as a subversive parody of the Greek novel and its traditional values.I have a PhD in Italian Studies (2006) from the Università RomaTre of Rome. Currently, I am a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the EHESS in Paris. My recent research interests are focused on the Early Modern Period; more specifically, on the translation and receptions of Classics and the circulation of heterodox texts. I am working at the research project Popular readers and clandestine literature: the case of an early modern translation of Petronius’ Satyricon into Italian (17th C.) funded by Marie Skłodowska-Curie Actions, and, more broadly, I am exploring the 17th-c. success of the Satyricon and its reception as a novel and as a satire.Affiliation: Post-doctoral Research Fellow at the Centre des Recherches Historiques of the EHESS in Paris (research group: Grihl – Groupe de Recherches Interdisciplinaires sur l’Histoire du Littéraire ).Relevant publications:‘La retorica dell’esperimento: per una rilettura delle Esperienze intorno alla generazione degl’insetti di Francesco Redi (1668)’, Italian Studies (2017), 72, 1, 41-56.Bartolomeo Beverini (1629-1686) e una versione inedita della Metafisica di Aristotele’, in L. Bianchi, J. Kraye and S. Gilson (eds), Vernacular Aristotelianism in Italy from the Fourteenth to Seventeenth Century, London, The Warburg Institute, 2016, 183-208.‘Freedom and censorship: Petronius’ Satyricon in seventeenth-century Italy’, Classical Receptions Journal (2014), 6. 1, 104-130.‘Con oscurità mutando in nomi: Napoli epicurea nei Successi di Eumolpione (1678)’, California Italian Studies (2012), 3. 1, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2tr7x1nd.


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-27
Author(s):  
Patrick Hohlweck

Abstract The essay follows the history of tradition of the story The Blind Witness, from the publication in François Richer’s Causes célèbres and the subsequent inclusion in the Neuer Pitaval, to its previous iterations reaching back to the 16th century. Starting from this historical-comparative perspective, the interdependencies of investigative representations and criminal procedure codes are traced, with special attention paid to the various writing practices within the framework of criminal procedure since the 17th century. Taking Georg Philipp Harsdörffer’s version of The Blind Witness as part of his collections of crime narratives as an example, the article suggests that the demand for truth or truthfulness made by the juridical orders of writing of the time endows several forms of modern narratives with a reflection on the theory of representation.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Pronkevich

The article provides an analysis of the “Spanish code” inscribed in the text of Lesia Ukrainka’s drama Kaminnyi hospodar (The Stone Host). The constituents of the code include: 1) conventions of 17th century Spanish baroque drama, in particular, use of the dialectics of the concepts of dignity and reputation as a driving mechanism for confl ict throughout Lesia Ukrainka’s play and transformation within the classical scheme of characters suggested by Lope de Vega and his followers; 2) stereotypes of “Spanishness” through which the playwright produced a heteroimage of Spain. Lesia Ukrainka’s variant of the famous legend of Don Juan is a sophisticated modernist drama. The “Spanish code” serves as a prism through which the playwright examines the world. Lesia Ukrainka created an astonishing modernist tragicomedy of dishonesty, full of the spirit of uncertainty.


Author(s):  
Michael Gordon

Spanish literature written by captives or about captivity in North Africa distinguished itself from the majority of Spanish Golden Age works because of its positive portrayal of Jews. Not only were these literary representations benevolent, but they were also quite realistic. Like many of their historical counterparts, the literary Jews Brahín (Los cautivos de Argel) and David (Guzmán el Bravo) practiced their religion clandestinely in Spain before moving to the Maghreb, where they enjoyed greater freedoms and privileges, including the ability to legally own Christian slaves. Multiple 17th-century autobiographical accounts from Spanish captives in Algiers and Tunis can serve as historical templates to corroborate the precarious, yet simultaneously prosperous, situation of those two literary Jews. Finally, the similarities found in historical sources and these two North African works challenges the notion of Lope de Vega being unequivocally anti-Jewish.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Corinna Onelli

The paper presents a 17th-century translation of the Satyricon into Italian transmitted in manuscript. The translation is anonymous and presumably was intended for the illegal market of clandestine manuscripts. Material evidence shows that the translation actually circulated across time and among popular readers. The comparison between the Italian translation and 16th – and 17th editions of Petronius has revealed that the translator started his work on the obsolete text of the excerpta brevia (that is, the Satyricon as published before1575) and then shifted to the the excerpta longiora tradition, likely using the Satyricon edition published in 1601 (reprinted in 1608). Such a mixture of source texts proves the translator’s total lack of philological accuracy. In addition, he made several translation errors. However, surprisingly enough, the Italian translation underpins an excellent work of textual criticism on Petronius’ text. The suggested explanation is that the translator or a later reviser emendated the translation following a highly specialised commentary. Some translation errors, in fact, can be explained only as critical indications that have been completely misunderstood. The papers concludes putting in relation the success of the Satyricon among 17th-century popular readers with its reception as a subversive parody of the Greek novel and its traditional values.I have a PhD in Italian Studies (2006) from the Università RomaTre of Rome. Currently, I am a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the EHESS in Paris. My recent research interests are focused on the Early Modern Period; more specifically, on the translation and receptions of Classics and the circulation of heterodox texts. I am working at the research project Popular readers and clandestine literature: the case of an early modern translation of Petronius’ Satyricon into Italian (17th C.) funded by Marie Skłodowska-Curie Actions, and, more broadly, I am exploring the 17th-c. success of the Satyricon and its reception as a novel and as a satire.Affiliation: Post-doctoral Research Fellow at the Centre des Recherches Historiques of the EHESS in Paris (research group: Grihl – Groupe de Recherches Interdisciplinaires sur l’Histoire du Littéraire ).Relevant publications:‘La retorica dell’esperimento: per una rilettura delle Esperienze intorno alla generazione degl’insetti di Francesco Redi (1668)’, Italian Studies (2017), 72, 1, 41-56.Bartolomeo Beverini (1629-1686) e una versione inedita della Metafisica di Aristotele’, in L. Bianchi, J. Kraye and S. Gilson (eds), Vernacular Aristotelianism in Italy from the Fourteenth to Seventeenth Century, London, The Warburg Institute, 2016, 183-208.‘Freedom and censorship: Petronius’ Satyricon in seventeenth-century Italy’, Classical Receptions Journal (2014), 6. 1, 104-130.‘Con oscurità mutando in nomi: Napoli epicurea nei Successi di Eumolpione (1678)’, California Italian Studies (2012), 3. 1, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2tr7x1nd.


Author(s):  
Antonio Sánchez Jímenez

This article examines a corpus of plays by Lope de Vega translated to Dutch during the 17th century, analysing how they use stage directions and what this use reveals about the function of the printed texts in which they appear. We will work with a corpus of 19 plays. After an introduction on Dutch theatre books, we will examine different kinds of stage directions, lato and stricto sensu. Lato sensu, we will focus on genre definitions in the front page (comedy, tragedy, tragicomedy, etc.), on the engravings and mottoes, and on data on authors, adapters, first staging, and reeditions. Stricto sensu, we will study the lists of dramatis personae and stage directions. For this detailed, qualitative study, we will focus on a corpus of two adaptations of palace plays by Lope: El amigo por la fuerza (Gedwongen vriendt, 1646) and El cuerdo loco (Voozigtige dolheit, 1649).


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