scholarly journals Los primeros títulos de Anagrama y Tusquets. Ensayo político, censura y cambio de rumbo

Author(s):  
Sofía González Gómez

Las primeras publicaciones de los sellos barceloneses Anagrama y Tusquets nacieron al calor de un interés notable en España hacia el ensayo político. Su fundación coincide en el tiempo con los procesos de transición a la democracia, y por ello estos dos casos se presentan ilustrativos de los intereses tanto del mercado editorial como de la recepción del público lector en ese periodo histórico, en el que la censura era un agente de la industria de la cultura decisivo. Anagrama y Tusquets son editoriales fundamentalmente conocidas por sus títulos de narrativa, pero esa orientación literaria de sendos catálogos fue posterior, motivada por un fracaso en las ventas del ensayo, que obligó a sus editores, Jorge Herralde y Beatriz de Moura, a redefinir su identidad empresarial. Entre finales de los años 60 y principios de los 70, arco temporal en el que se enmarca este artículo, fueron dos empresarios culturales que contribuyeron a cierta ebullición del género ensayístico en el mercado editorial y a la publicación de obras traducidas hasta entonces inéditas en nuestro país.   The first publications of the Barcelona stamps Anagrama and Tusquets were born from the heat of a notable interest in Spain towards the political essay. Its foundation coincides in time with the processes of transition to democracy, and therefore these two cases are illustrative of the interests of both the publishing market and the reception of the reading public in that historical period, in which censorship was a decisive agent of the culture industry. Anagrama and Tusquets are publishers fundamentally known for their narrative titles, but that literary orientation of both catalogs was later, motivated by a failure in the sales of the essay, which forced its editors, Jorge Herralde and Beatriz de Moura, to redefine their identity. business. Between the end of the 60s and the beginning of the 70s, a time arc in which this article is framed, there were two cultural entrepreneurs who contributed to a certain ebullition of the essay genre in the publishing market and to the publication of translated works previously unpublished in Spain.

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 96-109
Author(s):  
N. N. Zhukov

In this article the author analyses formation of the country's constitutional legislation system. In the 20th century Spain experienced three different periods: the years of the Second Republic in 1931-1939, the Franco's dictatorship of 1939-1975 and the period of transition to democracy or, as it is called ‘constitutional transit' of 1975-1980, when the basic laws and regulations of democratic Spain were adopted. Each of these periods corresponded with fundamentally different lawmaking processes, based on different legal judicial norms that were strongly influenced by the peculiarities of the political situation in the country. This article examines the background of the creation of Spanish constitutions in a particular historical period, the domestic and international situation and its influence on the peculiarities of lawmaking process. The author studies the history of the constitutional documents' adoption, considers and examines their structure and content in a highly detailed way. The author scrutinizes not only the logic, but also the sequence and reasons for the adoption of all Spanish constitutional and legal acts, as well as their meaning and influence on the legal system of the state. The Fundamental Laws of Frankish Spain, as well as the Spanish Constitution of 1978, the Political Reform Act, the rulings of the Spanish Constitutional Court and other acts, the peculiarities of the transition process to democracy and the legal break with the Frankish epoch and its system of lawmaking are studied in the article. It is worth noting that, at a time when the exist opinions that the Spanish Constitution is outdated and needs reforming, the conclusion about its fundamental role for the peaceful transition to a new Spain at the end of the 20th century and its legal relevance is the issue of utmost importance.


Author(s):  
A. FREDDIE

The article examines the place and role of democracy and human rights in South Africas foreign policy. The author analyzes the process of South Africas foreign policy change after the fall of the apartheid regime and transition to democracy. He gives characteristics of the foreign policy under different presidents of South Africa from 1994 to 2018 and analyzes the political activities of South Africa in the area of peacekeeping and human rights on the African continent.


Author(s):  
William D. Ferguson

Why do some societies achieve high standards of living, relatively broad access to education and quality health care, serviceable infrastructure, predictable and largely impersonal legal procedures, and relatively accessible avenues to peaceful political expression, while others stagnate with guarded islands of extravagant wealth, surrounded by oceans of poverty, corrupt autocratic systems, and simmering conflicts—or even full-blown civil wars? Why, did South Korea, a dictatorship that faced devastating war from 1950-1954, and whose 1960 GDP per capita was half that of Mexico and twice that of India, have, by 2015, a per capita GDP that exceeded Mexico’s by a factor of three and India’s by a factor of 17—in addition to a largely peaceful transition to democracy? How might a society, trapped in stagnation, corruption, and repression, initiate and sustain processes of economic and political development?


Author(s):  
James Muldoon

The German council movements arose through mass strikes and soldier mutinies towards the end of the First World War. They brought down the German monarchy, founded several short-lived council republics, and dramatically transformed European politics. This book reconstructs how participants in the German council movements struggled for a democratic socialist society. It examines their attempts to democratize politics, the economy, and society through building powerful worker-led organizations and cultivating workers’ political agency. Drawing from the practices of the council movements and the writings of theorists such as Rosa Luxemburg, Anton Pannekoek, and Karl Kautsky, this book returns to their radical vision of a self-determining society and their political programme of democratization and socialization. It presents a powerful argument for renewed attention to the political theories of this historical period and for their ongoing relevance today.


2021 ◽  
pp. 479-496
Author(s):  
Effie Fokas

This chapter considers the relationship between ‘Orthodoxies’ and ‘Europes’, highlighting the multiplicity of Eastern Christian Orthodox approaches and attitudes towards Europe, from one majority Orthodox national context to another and one historical period to another, ranging from anti-Europeanism (and anti-Westernism) to Europhilism. It also draws attention to differences in Orthodox stances on the idea of Europe, on the one hand, and the political reality of the European unification project, on the other. A temporal perspective is particularly relevant in changing attitudes to the European Union. Special attention is paid to external perspectives on the relationship between ‘Orthodoxy’ and ‘Europe’, often politicized and influenced by the political turmoil in the Balkans. The chapter closes with reference to the situation of flux characterizing contemporary conceptions of Europe, and the impact of the latter on ‘Orthodoxy’ in relation to ‘Europe’.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Campanioni

Can we move fan participation and the co-creation of storylines outside the sphere of the culture industry to better understand their potential functions for constructing individual subjectivity and empowering social change? With an attention to experiences of migration, exile and detainment, and through close readings of documentary The Wolfpack (2015), HBO’s bilingual horror comedy series Los Espookys (2019) and Manuel Puig’s novel, El beso de la mujer araña (1976), I argue that it is necessary to move beyond a speaker–audience dialectic, as in traditional storytelling, and towards transmediated activity, where static or linear temporal and spatial orders are both reproduced and subverted. By converging performance studies with border studies and phenomenology, this contribution counters assumptions about submissive viewership while unpacking the political utility of entertainment. Ultimately, ‘Doubling the fantasy, adapting the reel’ challenges what it means to be a ‘storyteller’ and what constitutes a useful ‘story’ in the context of political advocacy and activism.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 177-185
Author(s):  
Alexander Malko ◽  
Margarita Kostenko

The legal technique was initially developed as a kind of “interpreter” for the legislative will in the legal language using a specific ingenuity of legal engineering. Historically, the theoretical base of the legal technique was formed on a phased basis, essentially stimulated by state reforms, social transformations, and active legislation systematization. It should be mentioned here that legal technique is a distinctive category reflecting the political, economic, and legal situation in the historical period of a certain state development, but being extra-national in itself.The resource harmonization of the legal technique within the European legal framework means norm-setting regulations, coordination, and elaboration of common recommendations for the European countries. The cooperation in the legal technique standards harmonization will require the all-European cooperation to the new level as far as legal standards, human rights, democratic development, legitimacy and cultural cooperation are concerned.


Author(s):  
Gloria Román Ruiz

Resumen: El artículo se interroga por la naturaleza y la intensidad de las resistencias que algunos grupos sociales plantearon al proceso de transformación política y socio-cultural que comenzó a finales de los años sesenta y se extendió a lo largo de los setenta. Presta atención a aquellos sujetos que alzaron su voz en defensa de la tradición y en contra de la modernidad, así como a la incidencia que tuvieron sus acciones y comportamientos de oposición sobre el proceso de democratización. En primer lugar, el texto se detiene en las acciones de resistencia protagonizadas por feligreses conservadores que abrigaban actitudes políticas aquiescentes con la dictadura y acudían a escuchar misa a una parroquia regentada por un cura progresista. En segundo lugar, atiende a las resistencias expresadas por la comunidad parroquial de la iglesia de San José de Estepona (Málaga) ante el proyecto para la instauración de un complejo nudista en la localidad en 1978.Palabras clave: tardofranquismo, transición, democratización, resistencias al cambio, conservadurismo.Abstract: The article wonders about the nature and the intensity of the resistances set in motion by some social groups against the process of political and socio-cultural transformation that began at the end of the sixties and extended throughout the seventies. It pays attention to those subjects who raised their voice in defence of the tradition and against the modernity, as well as to the impact of their actions and opposition behaviours on the process of democratization. In the first place, the paper deals with the actions of resistance activated by the conservative parishioners who had acquiescent political attitudes towards the dictatorship and who attended to a parish ruled by a progressive priest. Secondly, it focuses on the resistances expressed by the parochial community of the San José church (Estepona, Málaga) caused by a nudist project in the town in 1978.Keywords: late Francoism, transition to democracy, democratization, resistances to change, conservatism.


2007 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
CORINNE CAUMARTIN

This article examines the unusual public security reform process that took place in Panama in the wake of the US military invasion of December 1989. The changes to the Panamanian security forces that ensued were in equal part a ‘demilitarisation’ process, a police reform and an (imposed) transition to democracy where the political domination of the Panamanian security forces came to an abrupt end. Deploying the concepts of demilitarisation, professionalisation and depoliticisation, the article evaluates the political role and activities of police forces and the nature of their relationship with the main Panamanian political actors through to the present Torrijos administration. It then assesses the implications for wider political processes, suggesting that explanations for the success or failure of reform are unlikely to be found in the examination of the design and implementation of the reform itself, but that broader political processes must be analysed in order to understand the dynamic that underpins it.


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