scholarly journals Specific aspects of indian foreign policy: stagnation and changes

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 55-64
Author(s):  
Rano Tuychiyeva Almamatovna

This article focuses on how India organized its foreign policy from the time of independence until the beginning of the 21st century and on the basis of which strategies it pursued. The paper also examines in detail the internal and external factors that have helped the country to achieve effective, positive results in foreign policy and, conversely, have had a significant negative impact. In addition, the article pays special attention to India's relations with the United States, China and Russia, which are currently striving for global hegemony, and the competition between these countries in India. At the same time, the successes, shortcomings and conflicts in India’s relations with its neighbors - Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal and Bhutan - are highlighted, as well as their specific reasons. Chronological approach, comparison and synthesis-analysis methods were used in writing the article. It consists of an abstract, keywords, introduction, main part, conclusion and bibliography.

Author(s):  
Kanti Bajpai

The study of Indian foreign policy goes back to the late 1940s and has resulted in a large amount of publishing in both India and abroad. What are the major approaches to the study of Indian foreign policy? By ‘approach’ is meant a broad orientation in a field of study, in particular the leading questions and interpretive lenses. An approach is not a theory; it is closer to the notion of ‘paradigm’. It encompasses the dominant set of questions and the ways of answering those questions that prevail in an intellectual field. In this case, Indian foreign policy studies has been substantially focused on relations with Pakistan, China, and the United States and why India has been in ‘protracted conflict’ with these three powers.


Author(s):  
Jiang Junjing

Based on a wide range of sources, the article analyzes the impact of China's trade and economic relations with the United States. Several periods of interaction between countries after the end of World War II are considered. Special attention is paid to the period of restoration of diplomatic relations since 1979. Based on various sources and historiography, the author analyzes the researchers' points of view on the impact of economic issues on the relations between the two countries. In the course of the research, the author came to the conclusion that an important aspect in the direction of the foreign economic policy of the People’s Republic of China in the first post-war years was the ideological factor. The article presents an analysis of changes in the vector of China's foreign policy in different periods. The main ways of interaction between the United States and China are described, depending on changing foreign policy doctrines. The reforms launched in 1978 provided China with economic growth and a growing prestige on the world stage, which is still present today. The rapprochement between the United States and China after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 brought certain economic benefits for the two countries. However, the aggravation of relations between the countries in the new Millennium provides an opportunity for new assessments of the PRC's position on the world stage. Trump’s coming to power in the United States is regarded as an economic war between the two countries. China's increased investment capacity and technological independence make it an attractive partner for other countries, which in turn has a negative impact on trade with America. The most important thing in this situation is the fact that the globalization of the world economy caused by scientific and technological progress, including the rather close interweaving of the US and Chinese economies, contradicts the national interests of both countries, which are trying to strengthen their positions and role in the world economy. Based on the analyzed material, the author comes to the conclusion that recently the foreign policy relations between China and the United States directly depend on the economic interests of the parties.


HortScience ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 589d-589
Author(s):  
William H. Carlson

There are over 11,000 greenhouse growers in the United States. Of this number, 8,000 produce less than $500,000 per year in total sales. Less than 1% of the 11,000 have a strategic business plan. Many may have a yearly budget, but they have not developed a formal written analysis of their business in relation to internal and external factors. A sample of 10 growers indicated that their profitability increased significantly when they understood a formal strategic business plan. The information developed from this sample indicates the entire greenhouse industry could benefit greatly from increased use of strategic planning. The marketing component of the business plan and how university personnel can facilitate this effort will be discussed.


Author(s):  
Srinath Raghavan

This chapter examines Indian foreign policy under Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi (1984–89). It argues that during these years, Indian foreign policy was significantly reoriented. Gandhi made important moves to recast India’s relations with the United States and China. Although no major breakthroughs were achieved, his engagement with them set the tone and pattern for the approach and policy of all subsequent governments. In India’s own neighbourhood, his policies had a more activist edge. But the outcomes were mixed. Perhaps the most fundamental shift in foreign policy was Gandhi’s recognition that India’s modernization and economic development required greater and more adroit engagement with the world and that foreign policy had to be geared towards securing these objectives.


2021 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-221
Author(s):  
Mahmood Monshipouri ◽  
Manochehr Dorraj

This article seeks to demonstrate that the resiliency of populism in Iran cannot be fully explained by internal variables alone. In contrast to many existing approaches, we argue that a combination of internal and external factors have contributed to the longevity and the resilience of Islamic populism in the country. The United States' hostile policies toward Iran — especially under Presidents George W. Bush and Donald Trump — have contributed to the rise of a nationalist- populist backlash intended to safeguard the survival of the Islamic Republic.


Author(s):  
Pramit Pal Chaudhuri

This chapter explores the evolution of top Indian foreign policy-makers towards China’s role in the Indian Ocean. Chaudhuri gives a New Delhi insider’s view on the efforts by Indian leaders to engage with China on these issues under the previous Congress government. He argues that by the end of the Singh administration, Indian policy makers had concluded that China was an ‘autistic power’ and that their approach of engagement had failed. Chaudhuri tracks the further changes in India’s approach under Narendra Modi, including India’s decision to align with the United States and Japan. He argues that Modi’s major challenge in the Indian Ocean is now primarily one of implementation of India’s announced policies.


Author(s):  
Ian Hall

This chapter explores the extraordinary and unanticipated activism displayed by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi after coming to power in May 2014. It observes his extensive travels, his personalisation of Indian diplomacy, and his effort to reset relations with key states, including the United States and China. It lays out the argument of the book, which is that this activism was part of a broader attempt to reinvent Indian foreign policy by supplying it with alternative, Hindu nationalist, foundations. It explores, by way of background, the foreign policymaking process in India and outlines how it changed under Modi. It describes both the argument and the organisation of the book.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


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