Five Approaches to the Study of Indian Foreign Policy

Author(s):  
Kanti Bajpai

The study of Indian foreign policy goes back to the late 1940s and has resulted in a large amount of publishing in both India and abroad. What are the major approaches to the study of Indian foreign policy? By ‘approach’ is meant a broad orientation in a field of study, in particular the leading questions and interpretive lenses. An approach is not a theory; it is closer to the notion of ‘paradigm’. It encompasses the dominant set of questions and the ways of answering those questions that prevail in an intellectual field. In this case, Indian foreign policy studies has been substantially focused on relations with Pakistan, China, and the United States and why India has been in ‘protracted conflict’ with these three powers.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 55-64
Author(s):  
Rano Tuychiyeva Almamatovna

This article focuses on how India organized its foreign policy from the time of independence until the beginning of the 21st century and on the basis of which strategies it pursued. The paper also examines in detail the internal and external factors that have helped the country to achieve effective, positive results in foreign policy and, conversely, have had a significant negative impact. In addition, the article pays special attention to India's relations with the United States, China and Russia, which are currently striving for global hegemony, and the competition between these countries in India. At the same time, the successes, shortcomings and conflicts in India’s relations with its neighbors - Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal and Bhutan - are highlighted, as well as their specific reasons. Chronological approach, comparison and synthesis-analysis methods were used in writing the article. It consists of an abstract, keywords, introduction, main part, conclusion and bibliography.


Author(s):  
Srinath Raghavan

This chapter examines Indian foreign policy under Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi (1984–89). It argues that during these years, Indian foreign policy was significantly reoriented. Gandhi made important moves to recast India’s relations with the United States and China. Although no major breakthroughs were achieved, his engagement with them set the tone and pattern for the approach and policy of all subsequent governments. In India’s own neighbourhood, his policies had a more activist edge. But the outcomes were mixed. Perhaps the most fundamental shift in foreign policy was Gandhi’s recognition that India’s modernization and economic development required greater and more adroit engagement with the world and that foreign policy had to be geared towards securing these objectives.


Author(s):  
Pramit Pal Chaudhuri

This chapter explores the evolution of top Indian foreign policy-makers towards China’s role in the Indian Ocean. Chaudhuri gives a New Delhi insider’s view on the efforts by Indian leaders to engage with China on these issues under the previous Congress government. He argues that by the end of the Singh administration, Indian policy makers had concluded that China was an ‘autistic power’ and that their approach of engagement had failed. Chaudhuri tracks the further changes in India’s approach under Narendra Modi, including India’s decision to align with the United States and Japan. He argues that Modi’s major challenge in the Indian Ocean is now primarily one of implementation of India’s announced policies.


Author(s):  
Ian Hall

This chapter explores the extraordinary and unanticipated activism displayed by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi after coming to power in May 2014. It observes his extensive travels, his personalisation of Indian diplomacy, and his effort to reset relations with key states, including the United States and China. It lays out the argument of the book, which is that this activism was part of a broader attempt to reinvent Indian foreign policy by supplying it with alternative, Hindu nationalist, foundations. It explores, by way of background, the foreign policymaking process in India and outlines how it changed under Modi. It describes both the argument and the organisation of the book.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-79
Author(s):  
Nargiza Sodikova ◽  
◽  
◽  

Important aspects of French foreign policy and national interests in the modern time,France's position in international security and the specifics of foreign affairs with the United States and the European Union are revealed in this article


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 228-237
Author(s):  
Marina Shpakovskaya ◽  
Oleg Barnashov ◽  
Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah ◽  
Asadullah Noori ◽  
Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad

The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first decade of the XXI century.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document