Reprezentativitatea organizațiilor sindicale și a organizațiilor patronale

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (2021) ◽  
pp. 225-243
Author(s):  
Traian TUNSOIU ◽  

"The relations between trade unions and employers’ organizations are decided by collective labor agreements. The manner in which employers and employees organizations recognize themselves as capable of representing their members is decided by the internal legislation of each country. In Romania, representativeness is an essential condition, which must be met by employers’ organizations and trade unions wishing to participate in the negotiation and signing of collective labor agreements."

2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 244-253
Author(s):  
Gérard Dion

Summary In an industrial and democratic civilization, labor unionism appears as a normal and essential institution. Born of democracy, it helps to preserve and develop democratic life. There is, however, an essential condition. It must be itself an institution that really represents the workers and gives them the opportunity of expressing their aspirations while safeguarding their economic and professional interests. Union democracy is a necessity for the national welfare. But, above all, democracy in the labor movement is the direct responsability of union leaders who must ensure its maintenance and survival through good institutions and also by their cooperation in the civic education of the rank-and-file members.


2015 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Gilfillan

Despite the weaknesses of domestic fascist movements, in the context of the rise of Nazi Germany and the presence of antisemitic propaganda of diverse origin Edinburgh's Jewish leaders took the threat seriously. Their response to the fascist threat was influenced by the fact that Edinburgh's Jewish community was a small, integrated, and middle-class population, without links to leftist groups or trade unions. The Edinburgh community closely followed the approach of the Board of Deputies of British Jews in relation to the development of fascism in Britain, the most significant aspect of which was a counter-propaganda initiative. Another important aspect of the response in Edinburgh was the deliberate cultivation of closer ties to the Christian churches and other elite spheres of Scottish society. Despite some unique elements, none of the responses of Edinburgh Jewry, or indeed the Board of Deputies, were particularly novel, and all borrowed heavily from established traditions of post-emancipation Jewish defensive strategies.


1958 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 41-45
Author(s):  
Ralph James
Keyword(s):  

1988 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 194-197
Author(s):  
Paul Cossali
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Jonathan Laurence

This book traces how governments across Western Europe have responded to the growing presence of Muslim immigrants in their countries over the past fifty years. Drawing on hundreds of in-depth interviews with government officials and religious leaders in France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Morocco, and Turkey, the book challenges the widespread notion that Europe's Muslim minorities represent a threat to liberal democracy. The book documents how European governments in the 1970s and 1980s excluded Islam from domestic institutions, instead inviting foreign powers like Saudi Arabia, Algeria, and Turkey to oversee the practice of Islam among immigrants in European host societies. But since the 1990s, amid rising integration problems and fears about terrorism, governments have aggressively stepped up efforts to reach out to their Muslim communities and incorporate them into the institutional, political, and cultural fabrics of European democracy. The book places these efforts—particularly the government-led creation of Islamic councils—within a broader theoretical context and gleans insights from government interactions with groups such as trade unions and Jewish communities at previous critical junctures in European state-building. By examining how state–mosque relations in Europe are linked to the ongoing struggle for religious and political authority in the Muslim-majority world, the book sheds light on the geopolitical implications of a religious minority's transition from outsiders to citizens. This book offers a much-needed reassessment that foresees the continuing integration of Muslims into European civil society and politics in the coming decades.


Author(s):  
Tembinkosi Bonakele ◽  
Dave Beaty ◽  
Fathima Rasool ◽  
Drikus Kriek

The recent entry of the US multinational Walmart into South Africa has proved to be a source of controversy. Key stakeholders in South Africa objected to the merger and attempted to block it unless certain conditions were met. The aim of this study was to examine the controversy and the conditions surrounding the merger. The research employed a qualitative archival analysis to examine publicly available sources of information with regard to the merger. The findings revealed key stakeholders’ concerns that Walmart’s entry would lead to an increase in imports which would displace local producers, increase unemployment, marginalise trade unions and lower labour standards unless certain conditions were met. The results also revealed problems relating to the firm’s primary focus on “business” while neglecting “public interest” issues, naively relying on their “local retailer” to manage key stakeholders, and assuming that their perceived controversial reputation regarding treatment of trade unions and their views about unemployment as well as the controversies surrounding their history of entry into other global markets would not have the major negative impact it did on stakeholders in South Africa.


2018 ◽  
pp. 550-563
Author(s):  
Daniel Sawert ◽  

The article assesses archival materials on the festival movement in the Soviet Union in 1950s, including its peak, the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students held in 1957 in Moscow. Even now the Moscow festival is seen in the context of international cultural politics of the Cold War and as a unique event for the Soviet Union. The article is to put the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students in the context of other youth festivals held in the Soviet Union. The festivals of 1950s provided a field for political, social, and cultural experiments. They also have been the crucible of a new way of communication and a new language of design. Furthermore, festivals reflected the new (althogh relative) liberalism in the Soviet Union. This liberalism, first of all, was expressed in the fact that festivals were organized by the Komsomol and other Soviet public and cultural organisations. Taking the role of these organisations into consideration, the research draws on the documents of the Ministry of culture, the All-Russian Stage Society, as well as personal documents of the artists. Furthermore, the author has gained access to new archive materials, which have until now been part of no research, such as documents of the N. Krupskaya Central Culture and Art Center and of the central committees of various artistic trade unions. These documents confirm the hypothesis that the festivals provided the Komsomol and the Communist party with a means to solve various social, educational, and cultural problems. For instance, in Central Asia with its partiarchal society, the festivals focuced on female emancipation. In rural Central Asia, as well as in other non-russian parts of the Soviet Union, there co-existed different ways of celebrating. Local traditions intermingled with cultural standards prescribed by Moscow. At the first glance, the modernisation of the Soviet society was succesful. The youth acquired political and cultural level that allowed the Soviet state to compete with the West during the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students. During the festival, however, it became apparent, that the Soviet cultural scheme no longer met the dictates of times. Archival documents show that after the Festival cultural and party officials agreed to ease off dogmatism and to tolerate some of the foreign cultural phenomena.


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