scholarly journals The ECB's neglected secondary mandate: An inter-institutional solution

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nik de Boer ◽  
Jens van 't Klooster
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Price Stability ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Paradoxical Situation ◽  
Institutional Solution ◽  
The Many ◽  
High Level ◽  
The Eu

The ECB’s secondary mandate requires it to the support broader economic policies by and in the EU. Until recently absent from the ECB strategy, the secondary mandate features prominently in the ECB’s 2021 review of its monetary policy strategy. This report asks: How should the ECB interpret the many objectives that the secondary mandate mentions? And how should it act on them? A more prominent role for its secondary mandate fits well with the new, more political role of the ECB, but it should not act on the secondary mandate alone. Why is that? The requirements that the legal text imposes on the ECB are paradoxical and difficult to reconcile. We explain the paradox in terms of three features. Firstly, the secondary mandate is binding on the ECB so that it must support the EU’s economic policies where this is possible without prejudice to price stability. However and secondly, the secondary mandate is also highly indeterminate because there are many relevant secondary objectives and ways to support them. Acting on the secondary mandate requires prioritising objectives and designing new instruments. Yet, thirdly, the ECB lacks the competence to develop its own policies to pursue the secondary objectives. For the ECB to simply choose its own secondary objectives and act on them raises severe legal and democratic objections. To resolve this paradoxical situation, we propose that the specification of the secondary objectives should take place via high-level coordination with the political institutions of the EU. Unlike direct instructions which are illegal under EU law, coordination would be compatible with central bank independence and strengthen the ECB’s ability to pursue price stability. We propose three main avenues to give shape to such interinstitutional coordination.

A Permanent Constitutional Assembly

2020 ◽  
pp. 197-214
Author(s):  
Markus Patberg
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Member State ◽  
Dual Role ◽  
The Other ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Constituent Power ◽  
Institutional Solution ◽  
The Eu

This chapter presents an institutional proposal for how citizens could be enabled—in the dual role of European and national citizens—to exercise constituent power in the EU. To explain in abstract terms what an institutional solution would have to involve, it draws on the notion of a sluice system, according to which the particular value of representative bodies consists in their capacity to provide both transmission and filter functions for democratic processes. On this basis, the chapter critically discusses the proposal that the Conference of Parliamentary Committees for Union Affairs of Parliaments of the European Union (COSAC) should transform itself into an inter-parliamentary constitutional assembly. As this model allows constituted powers to continue to operate as the EU’s de facto constituent powers, it cannot be expected to deliver the functions of a sluice system. The chapter goes on to argue that a more convincing solution would be to turn the Convention of Article 48 of the Treaty on European Union into a permanent constitutional assembly composed of two chambers, one elected by EU citizens and the other by member state citizens. The chapter outlines the desirable features of such an assembly and defends the model against a number of possible objections.

Military profile rises but coup is unlikely in Brazil

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Military Members ◽  
Senior Officers ◽  
High Level ◽  
The Military

Subject The political role of the armed forces. Significance The armed forces have recently assumed an unusually high political profile. The current government has appointed generals to high-level positions and ordered a large-scale intervention led by the army in Rio de Janeiro state security institutions. These measures, many of them unprecedented, are an attempt by President Michel Temer to boost his popularity as a ‘tough-on-crime’ leader. The armed forces are one of the few public institutions enjoying high levels of trust among Brazilians. Impacts Despite recent protest calls for a military coup, support for such a move is restricted to a radical minority. Resistance against further reliance on the military for domestic law enforcement will rise, including among senior officers. Bolsonaro will focus his message on crime, promising to bring more military members into his cabinet, including the Education Ministry.

scholarly journals COURTS, COURTIERS, AND CULTURE IN TUDOR ENGLAND

2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 703-722 ◽  
Author(s):  
NATALIE MEARS
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Cultural Influences ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Tudor England ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Methodological Problems ◽  
Court Politics ◽  
The Relationship

Geoffrey Elton's model of Tudor politics, which emphasized the importance of political institutions and which dominated our understanding of Tudor politics for much of the second half of the twentieth century, has been challenged by a number of historians for over twenty years. They have re-emphasized the importance of social connections and cultural influences and turned attention away from studying the privy council to studying the court. In doing so, they have gone back to re-examine earlier approaches by Sir John Neale and Conyers Read which Elton had challenged. Yet, these new socially and culturally derived approaches, recently labelled ‘New Tudor political history’, remain varied and its practitioners sometimes at odds with each other. Focusing on both established seminal works and recent research, this review considers the different elements of these approaches in relation to Tudor court politics. It assesses the methodological problems they raise and identifies what shortcomings still remain. It demonstrates that Tudor politics are increasingly defined as based on social networks rather than institutional bodies, making issues of access to, and intimacy with, the monarch central. Our understanding has been further enhanced by exploration of political culture and its relationship to political action. However, the review points to the need to integrate more fully the political role of women and the relationship between the court and the wider political community into our understanding of Tudor politics, as well as place England into a European context.

Judicial Ideology in the House of Lords: A Jurimetric Analysis

1982 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Robertson
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Statistical Approach ◽  
Data Sets ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Forthcoming Book ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
Judicial Ideology

For a variety of reasons political science in Britain has made no serious attempt to study courts and judges as political institutions and actors. Or at least this was true until recently. Several works in the last few years, especially Griffith's, Stevens's and a forthcoming book on the law lords by Alan Paterson, have pointed to a much needed change in this attitude. However, none of them have been works of political science, even though they have considered politics. By this I mean two things: they have not principally considered the judges' thoughts as political ideology; and they have not used the techniques and assumptions of rigorous, analytic political science. Indeed one of the few slightly earlier studies of the political role of the courts in Britain, by Morrison, specifically denies that such approaches, especially the statistical approach of jurimetrics, is possible in Britain. This article is an attempt to do the impossible, not so much because the author believes that Morrison's point is necessarily wrong, but because it is never sound methodology to abandon techniques that have been useful elsewhere without trying to make them work on different data sets. But first we must attempt to characterize the judicial role, before we try any study of the politics that may be attendant on judicial ideology.

scholarly journals Roma Expulsions and Discrimination: The Elephant in Brussels

2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 361-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen O’Nions
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
European Commission ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
Full Participation ◽  
The Eu

Abstract This article will critically examine the treatment of migrant Roma in Western Europe, particularly Italy and France, in the light of the obligations under the EU Citizenship Directive 2004/38. The role of the political institutions will be considered, especially the European Commission, who have yet to take a decisive position on the Roma expulsions and on the wider issue of Roma discrimination in Europe. It is argued that the focus on non-discrimination cannot address the entrenched inequality which characterises the Roma’s situation in Europe. Furthermore, that the comparative disadvantage experienced by Europe’s Roma communities constitutes a major human rights crisis which has so far been sidelined by Brussels. A European strategy is urgently required, which demands leadership from the Commission and the full participation of Roma representatives.

scholarly journals The Political Role of the European Court of Justice: How the EU Institutional Thresholds Shield the Integrationist Power of the Court

2019 ◽  
pp. 195-212
Author(s):  
Roberto Reyes Izquierdo
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
European Court Of Justice ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Fundamental Factor ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
European Court ◽  
The Eu

The aim of this paper is to analyse how the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has been a fundamental factor in the integration process of the European Union, in spite of the obstacles posed by the intergovernmental dynamics that have traditionally hindered the construction of a stronger, cohesive and more integrated Europe. Important principles such as direct effect or supremacy of EU law have been developed through ECJ rulings and case law, even when such principles were not literally foreseen in the foundational Treaties. Therefore, this paper argues that the role and power of the Court as an “indirect law-maker” have been essential for the construction of the European Union, and this has been possible due to the complexities and weaknesses of the legislative process involving the three main decision-makers: the Commission, the Council of the EU, and the European Parliament.

Reassessing the Nazi War Economy and the Origins of the Second World War

2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 281-297
Author(s):  
Alexander Anievas
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
World War ◽  
War Economy ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Second World ◽  
Core Issues

Adam Tooze’sThe Wages of Destructionhas received a fair amount of scholarly attention since its publication in 2006, particularly among historians. What has received much less attention, however, are the many theoretical insights to be gleaned from Tooze’s history of the inner-workings of the Nazi war economy in the lead-up to the Second World War. This is particularly true of the numerous theoretical subjects and themes covered by Tooze of direct relevance to Marxist theories and understandings of Nazism. From his analysis of the relationship between Nazi economic policies and Hitler’s geopolitical objectives to the relations between capital and state to the specificities of Nazism as a distinct ideological and cultural apparatus to the role of the Nazi regime in triggering the 1939 cataclysm – in all these ways, Tooze’s work speaks to a number of core issues at the heart of Marxist debates on Nazism, fascism, and the causes of the Second World War. This introduction outlines a number of these themes and more in Tooze’s work, contextualising them within extant Marxist debates on Nazism, before then going on to highlight some of the main arguments and criticisms advanced in the symposium.

scholarly journals Politics and Diplomacy: Lessons from Donald Tusk’s Time as President of the European Council

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Hagemann
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
European Council ◽  
Public Figure ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Political Contribution ◽  
Progressive Agenda ◽  
Successes And Challenges ◽  
Looking Back ◽  
The Eu

Abstract The 2020 COVID pandemic has posed an unprecedented challenge to Europe’s economies, societies and political institutions. Finding solutions for the immediate and longer-term impact of the pandemic requires collaboration between the European Union’s (EU) member states and leadership from their governments at both national and European levels. The President of the European Council is central to this process, as he leads and facilitates the collaboration between the heads of states and governments. Looking back at the lessons from Donald Tusk’s time as President of the European Council from 2014 to 2019, this article argues that Tusk made an immensely important political contribution to the EU as he set the tone for a liberal and progressive agenda at a time of significant threat from populist and pro-Russian voices in Europe. However, with the recent political and institutional developments in the EU, and based on the insights from Mr Tusk’s successes and challenges, the article also argues that the role of the European Council President today requires strong brokering skills and leadership behind the scenes more than an openly political and public figure.

scholarly journals Neonatal Occupational Therapy in Australia: A Survey and Recommendations for Developing Guidelines for Clinical Practice

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Nancy McPharlin ◽  
Hugh Stewart ◽  
Deanna Gibbs ◽  
Holly Bowen-Salter ◽  
Kobie Boshoff
Keyword(s):  
Clinical Practice ◽  
Occupational Therapy ◽  
Occupational Therapists ◽  
Online Questionnaire ◽  
Ongoing Research ◽  
Part Time ◽  
The Many ◽  
High Level ◽  
Training Opportunities

Aim and Background: Occupational Therapists form an essential part of the development and care of infants and families in Neonatal Units (NNU) across the world, however, little is documented about their practice in Australia. This article aims to develop a greater understanding of the role of Occupational Therapy in NNU in Australia, compared with international practice guidelines, and recommends the adoption of UK guidelines until Australia specific guidelines emerge. Method: An online questionnaire was developed from a systematic scoping review and piloted by an expert panel. Invitations were sent to thirty Occupational Therapists working in NNUs around Australia. Data analysis included using descriptive statistics and qualitative themes. Results: Twenty two (73%) of NNU Occupational Therapists responded to the survey, representing all levels of NNU. Results describe the current Occupational Therapy role in Australia as encompassing assessment, intervention, teamwork and a variety of ‘other’ activities, all of which required advanced knowledge, skills and paediatric experience, and involved ongoing high-level professional development. Occupational Therapy has a unique role to play in neonatal units. Future development of the role is reliant upon good advocacy and promotion, specialised training opportunities, prospects for networking, support and mentorship for the many Therapists working part-time, and ongoing research. The Australian Occupational Therapy NNU role compares similarly with those cited internationally (UK & US). The development of guidelines for evidence based clinical practice of neonatal Occupational Therapy in Australia was highly sought by clinicians. The adoption of the ‘Occupational Therapy in neonatal services and early intervention: practice guideline’ (RCOT 2017) is proposed until the emergence of specific Australian guidelines.  

5. Germany: A German Europe or a Europeanized Germany?

2020 ◽  
pp. 101-122
Author(s):  
Timm Beichelt ◽  
Simon Bulmer
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Member State ◽  
Comparative Politics ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
European Union Member State ◽  
European Policy ◽  
Top Down ◽  
The Eu

This chapter examines Germany’s profile as a European Union member state. It is divided into two parts, looking at EU-Germany relations from both bottom-up and top-down perspectives. The first considers Germany’s increasing influence on the EU, notably during the eurozone and refugee crises. It considers the question of whether Germany has assumed the role of the EU’s hegemon. At the same time the chapter argues that Germany is a very Europeanized member state. It uses the comparative politics paradigm by considering public opinion on Europe, the European dimension of party politics, and the Federal Republic’s major political institutions and their role in European policy. The chapter concludes by reflecting on the two perspectives, seeking a balance between the arguments for a German Europe and a Europeanized Germany.

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