scholarly journals The ICRMW and the US: Substantive Overlap, Political Gap

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beth Lyon
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Migrant Workers ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Convention ◽  
Treaty Ratification ◽  
American States ◽  
Treaty Negotiations ◽  
Human Rights Treaties ◽  
The Us

The United States has never seriously considered signing the UN International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (ICRMW, Migrant Workers Convention, the Convention). Despite the country’s close involvement with negotiating the Convention, the United States has shown no interest in the treaty since its promulgation in 1990. The major countries of migrant employment that initially participated in negotiating the Convention set it aside, and the treaty now has only 38 signatories and 51 state parties. The European Parliament, the European Economic and Social Committee, and the Organization of American States have all favorably reported on the ICRMW and called on the countries in those regions to ratify it. However, there are obstacles to immediate ratification by countries of employment, including prominently the “fear to be among the first” and domestic anti-immigrant sentiment. Even as the Convention slowly accrues country-of-origin ratifications, advocates and officials in many countries of employment are undertaking pre-ratification studies of the treaty. The United States, however, has not yet assessed the Migrant Workers Convention in a substantive way. The United States’ delay in engaging the Convention fits the country’s past human rights treaty ratification processes. When it does consider the ICRMW, the United States is likely to heavily restrict ratification of the Convention, just as it has in ratifying previous human rights treaties. This chapter describes the United States’ substantive objections during the treaty negotiations, and points out that most of the passages that were objectionable at the time were or have since become part of U.S. law.

Palestine Unbound

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Task Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Tel Aviv ◽  
The Us ◽  
Intention To Move ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict ◽  
The U.S

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.

Insult of Public Officials

2021 ◽  
pp. 388-409
Author(s):  
Christoph Bezemek
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
European Court ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Supreme Court ◽  
Structural Differences

This chapter assesses public insult, looking at the closely related question of ‘fighting words’ and the Supreme Court of the United States’ decision in Chaplinsky v New Hampshire. While Chaplinsky’s ‘fighting words’ exception has withered in the United States, it had found a home in Europe where insult laws are widely accepted both by the European Court of Human Rights and in domestic jurisdictions. However, the approach of the European Court is structurally different, turning not on a narrowly defined categorical exception but upon case-by-case proportionality analysis of a kind that the US Supreme Court would eschew. Considering the question of insult to public officials, the chapter focuses again on structural differences in doctrine. Expanding the focus to include the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR) and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACtHPR), it shows that each proceeds on a rather different conception of ‘public figure’.

scholarly journals US and EU politics «eastern partnership»

2016 ◽  
pp. 33-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olena Skrypnyk
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Situation ◽  
Eastern Partnership ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Eu

In this article to analyzes the policy of the European Union’s «Eastern Partnership». Determined US relation to the initiative of the EU. Characterized four summits the EU «Eastern Partnership» and followed the US response to these summits. The attention to Ukraine’s participation in the summit of the EU and the US position on this issue. Determined that the United States strongly supports the EU initiative «Eastern Partnership», especially in order to spread in the countries of the «Eastern Partnership» democracy, ensure human rights and freedoms, and to improve the socio-economic situation of these countries.

Winter Olympic boycott increases corporate pressures

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Supply Chain ◽  
The United States ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Winter Olympics ◽  
The Us ◽  
Olympic Boycott

Significance The US-led diplomatic boycott of the Winter Olympics in February will increase the pressure on US companies to decide whether China or the United States is their more valuable market. Some of that pressure to decide is coming from employees and customers in both countries. Impacts More frequent and sharper confrontations between US companies and China could accelerate the decoupling of the two economies. Renewed emphasis on human rights concerns will encourage the further shifting of some supply chain elements out of China. Consumer brands are particularly vulnerable to human rights concerns, as are their suppliers.

Introduction: Children’s Rights as Human Rights

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
Richard P. Hiskes
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Children's Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
Children’S Rights ◽  
Rights Of The Child ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World

The world does not really believe that human rights pertain to children. This is so in spite of the fact that the 1989 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) has been ratified by all nations worldwide except for one, the United States. This book explores the reasons behind the US refusal in ...

scholarly journals When US Scholars Speak of ‘Sovereignty’, what do they Mean?

2007 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 318-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adriana Sinclair ◽  
Michael Byers
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Totalitarian Regime ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
The Us ◽  
American Academic

The term ‘sovereignty’ figures prominently in international affairs and academic analysis. But does ‘sovereignty’ mean the same thing in different countries and political cultures? In this article, we examine conceptions of sovereignty as they appear in the writings of US scholars of international law and those international relations scholars who deal with international law, in order to obtain a clearer picture of what ‘sovereignty’ means in American academic discourse. At first glance, the US literature is dominated by two distinct conceptions of sovereignty: (1) a statist conception that privileges the territorial integrity and political independence of governments regardless of their democratic or undemocratic character; (2) a popular conception that privileges the rights of peoples rather than governments, especially when widespread human rights violations are committed by a totalitarian regime. On closer examination, what seem to be two conceptions are in fact different manifestations of a single, uniquely American conception of sovereignty which elevates the United States above other countries and protects it against outside influences while concurrently maximising its ability to intervene overseas.

Pastoral Maya and the Maya Project: Building Maya Civil Society in the U.S.

2012 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lopez ◽  
Alan LeBaron
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The United States ◽  
State University ◽  
The Troubles ◽  
Immigration Laws ◽  
Community Project ◽  
Human Rights Organizations ◽  
The Us

Guatemalan Maya living in the United States as refugees, migrants, or immigrants without official documents do not entirely escape the troubles they previously faced in Guatemala, such as political and social disadvantages, language barriers, and maintaining identity; moreover additional problems result from the complexities of coping with the US immigration system and the likelihood of incarceration and deportation. This situation becomes more ambiguous with the mixed reception they receive from the United States, where some segments of law and society constantly strive to make survival improbable, and other segments such as churches, employers, and human rights organizations strive to protect. Among the multitude of organizations created within this contentious field of "pro" and "anti" is Pastoral Maya, best described as a "self-help" organization for Maya immigrants; and the Maya Heritage Community Project (the Maya Project) at Kennesaw State University. These two organizations have distinct but overlapping goals and methods designed to defend Maya fundamental human rights to life, security, and well-being. Of course, achieving such lofty goals has been problematic, and with anti-immigration laws and high unemployment of recent years many people have had hopes for the future dashed. But positive signs for the Maya exist, for an increasingly sophisticated Maya leadership has emerged with experience and with the security of having obtained documents of residence. These leaders hope to take advantage of their relatively safe space in the United States to promote a force for change that will lift up the Maya in the United States and in Guatemala. The Pastoral Maya organization has developed a particularly strong leadership that strives for these goals.

scholarly journals Party positions over international human rights treaties in the United States in the Post-Cold War

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-50
Author(s):  
Flávio Contrera ◽  
Matheus Lucas Hebling
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Human Rights ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Party Positions ◽  
Human Rights Treaties ◽  
International Human

This article aimed to verify the occurrence of convergence and congruence in the positions that the Democratic and Republican parties express about human rights treaties in the Electoral, in the Executive, and the Legislative arenas, in the Post-Cold War (1992-2016). The use of the comparative method guided the study of six specific cases, analyzed using qualitative techniques. The results point to two trends. The first is that the possibility of convergence between the Democratic and Republican parties tends to diminish when their positions on human rights treaties are anchored by ideological perspectives, and the second is that a party’s position on a treaty tends to be congruent among political arenas. Moreover, the divergence of positions between the parties clarifies the liberal internationalist character of the Democratic positions and the conservative isolationist approach of the Republican positions.

scholarly journals Women in Science: Surpassing Subtle and Overt Biases through Intervention Programs

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruxandra Bondarescu ◽  
Christine Corbett Moran ◽  
Jayashree Balakrishna ◽  
Anuja De Silva
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Maternity Leave ◽  
The United States ◽  
Women In Science ◽  
Intervention Programs ◽  
Graduate Degrees ◽  
Social Stereotypes ◽  
The Us ◽  
Different Levels

This study discusses factors that keep women from entering science and technology, which include social stereotypes that they struggle against, lack of maternity leave and other basic human rights, and the climate that makes them leave research positions for administrative ones. We then describe intervention processes that have been successful in bringing the ratio of women close to parity, compare different minorities in the US, and also consider data from India, Western and Eastern Europe. We conjecture that programs that connect the different levels of education are needed in addition to hiring more women, providing them with basic human rights from when they begin their PhD onwards and promoting support networks for existing employees. The authors of this paper hail from Sri Lanka, Romania, India, and the United States. We hold undergraduate and graduate degrees in physics or chemistry from the United States, India and Switzerland. Our conclusions are based on data that is publicly available, on data we have gathered, and on anecdotal evidence from our own experience.

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