scholarly journals Nigeria's Petroleum Sector and GDP - The Missing Oil Refining Link

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uyiosa Omoregie

Nigeria is generally referred to as an ‘oil economy’ because of the country’s large amount of oil reserves Yet, the petroleum sector in Nigeria currently contributes less than 10 percent of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP). In comparison, some Gulf states petroleum sector’s GDP contribution is usually more than 30 percent. A fundamental reappraisal of the Nigeria’s petroleum sector’s relationship with the economy is required. This paper posits that the missing link between the petroleum sector and Nigeria’s GDP growth is the country’s petroleum refining capacity. Capacity utilization of Nigeria’s refineries dropped to 14 percent in 2014 against a global average refining capacity utilization of 90 percent. The constraints of crude oil supply to Nigeria’s refineries are revealed as well as policy interventions by the Federal Government of Nigeria aimed to increase in-country oil refining capacity. Refining capacity is suggested as an antidote to Nigeria’s so-called ‘resource curse’.

2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (4) ◽  
pp. 945-963
Author(s):  
Kristin Diwan

Abstract In the wake of the 2011 Arab uprisings, the wealthy Gulf states of Qatar and the United Arab Emirates began hosting and establishing associations of influential Islamic scholars. These clerical associations, the Doha-based International Union for Muslim Scholars (IUMS) and the Abu Dhabi-based Muslim Council of Elders (MCE) and associated peace initiatives, have afforded a platform for more credibly entering into religious and political debates, for cultivating new networks of influence among Muslim publics, and engaging non-Islamic countries and organizations. Drawing upon interviews and primary resources, this study investigates this exercise in religious statecraft, comparing the discourse and policy interventions of these associations, and analysing their improbable challenge to the predominant religious terms set by the traditional heavyweight in the Gulf, Saudi Arabia. It finds that the effectiveness, or resonance, of these religious soft power projects depends upon credibility—their alignment with national religious traditions and policy directions—and positioning—the targeting of particular audiences and stakeholders. It concludes that the UAE holds certain advantages over Qatar in its soft power positioning in the current nationalist moment, as states gain ground over transnational Islamic movements and relations with powers such as India, Russia, China and Israel—all hostile to independent Islamic movements—gain in importance. Policy-makers acknowledging the surprising hard power projection of these small states through military interventions and economic leverage may benefit from this study of their new religious soft power influence.


1983 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Babusiaux ◽  
D. Champlon ◽  
M. Valais

Models may be constructed and used to represent, on an aggregate level, the entire refining industry of a country (France) or of a given geographic zone. The first part of this article analyzes the aggregation problems that arise during linear programming modeling. These problems are particularly acute when the refining model has to be coupled with other models (e.g. energy models) because excessive simplifications may lead to irrelevant results. The second part of the article gives some application examples. Then the final part describes the formulation retained for representing the petroleum sector in the ‘Mini-DMS Energie’ model. This model was built under the impetus of the ‘Commissariat Général du Plan’ on the basis of the Mini DMS (Dynamique Multi-Sectoriel) macroeconomic model developed by INSEE (Institut National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques). Its aim is to analyze energy–economy interactions. In this model the refining industry is characterized by equations of the econometric type estimated on the basis of artificial sampling.


Significance Emirati trainers had already been withdrawn from the base amid an escalating row between Abu Dhabi and Mogadishu, which has intensified since the announcement on March 1 that Ethiopia would take a 19% stake in the UAE state-run DP World development of Berbera port in Somaliland. The port deal has brought the Emirati role in Somalia’s political economy into the spotlight, with important spillover for politics within the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), as well as the federal member states (FMS). Impacts Although this is a setback in its approach to Somalia, the UAE will not dramatically alter its overall posture towards the Horn of Africa. Turkey may benefit most in terms of access and influence, as well as logistics and reconstruction contracts for Turkish companies. Other external actors may take note of the precarious nature of deals in Somalia, especially given corrupt tendering practices.


2010 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-36
Author(s):  
James Leigh ◽  
Predrag Vukovic

In recent decades world supply of oil has been increasingly held in the Islamic countries around the Persian Gulf. The fact that the level of oil production is high in these countries and that they possess most of the world's oil reserves could be extremely significant. This 'petropower' could lead to strategic geopolitical developments when oil is used as economic and political weapons. It may be that the apocalyptic appeal of militant Islamism coming out of Iran can weld both Shia and Sunni people of the region to the cause of establishing a world Islamic 'caliphate'. This may appear in a new world of a tripartite mix of superpowers, one of which could be an Iranian-led oil rich Islamic bloc of Gulf states. Each superpower would vie for advantage, and particularly two of these superpowers would seek favor in maintaining supplies of oil imports increasingly from a potentially Iran dominated mix of oil producing Islamic countries. .


2015 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
José León García-Rodríguez ◽  
Francisco J. García-Rodríguez ◽  
Carlos Castilla-Gutiérrez ◽  
Silvério Adriano Major

Abstract:Angola is a large country with a relatively small population and abundant natural resources, including oil reserves. The high price fetched by oil, the mainstay of the Angolan economy, on international markets has helped this leading producer attain growth rates that are among the highest in the world. However, Angola is also noted for its unequal distribution of wealth and notorious political corruption. This article seeks to explore this paradox within the framework of the so-called resource curse theory and analyze the role played by the oil industry in the process.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 549-557
Author(s):  
I. B. Tikhonova

The article focuses on the cognitive function of metaphor in professional discourse, which is a professional terminology system and a linguistic manifestation of a professional world view. The article demonstrates evolution of different approaches to the phenomenon of metaphor in scientific discourse and professional terminological systems. Convergence of research directions and methods, as well as integration and interpenetration of approaches to the object under study, made it possible to build the framework of the conceptual logic of mental knowledge structures objectified in systems of terminological units. A conceptual analysis of metaphorical terminological derivates enriched with semantic analysis of term definition components provided the empirical evidence that anthropocentric principle is the basic trend in the process of metaphor forming in the professional discourse of petroleum refining. The author sees metaphor as a cognitive mechanism that associates new unknown concepts with familiar phenomena from everyday human life. The dominant conceptual metaphors develop on the principle of anthropocentrism by combining the source-domain, including a system of deep ontological knowledge about a person and a target-domain representing special concepts of professional discourse. The cognitive potential of metaphorical models is described on the basis of the metaphorical derivation of the professional oil refining terminology system. In addition to their nominative function, metaphorically formed terminological units perform explanatory function by visualizing the processes of petroleum refining to provide an opportunity to understand complex structural organization of professional discourse.


2021 ◽  
Vol 103 (103) ◽  
pp. 10-42
Author(s):  
Michael Watts

There is an active academic and policy debate over whether and how oil producers – as exemplars of a larger set of Global South development problems associated with 'resource dependency' – can be associated with a number of 'pathologies' or deficits (corruption, poor economic growth, conflict) that are seen as expressions of a much-wider global addiction to petroleum and natural gas. Equally, there is a vibrant set of regulatory and policy interventions designed to render the oil and gas sector more transparent and accountable through modalities like the extractive industries transparency initiative (EITI). In both cases, the language of dependency and addiction is endemic. The socalled 'resource curse' and oil's commodity status as 'the devil's excrement' are exemplary expressions of oil's apparently seductive yet catastrophic properties. Oil dependency and oil addiction have become central to the discourse – a planetary discourse in effect, of the Anthropocene and forms of life within it. This article explores how discourses of dependency and addiction have been put to work, and with what effect, in the debate around the oil and gas global assemblage. It shows how in the case of dependency (and here it is largely the dependency associated with oil-producing or petro-states such as Saudi Arabia or Nigeria) there are often unacknowledged and deep registrations of the word's meanings which are embedded in liberal governance. Much of this dependency talk, I will argue, locates the problem in a series of failings (which oil both overdetermines and facilitates) associated with liberal views of the self, of political economy and the state. In the case of oil dependency as an addiction, I attempt to draw out how an understanding of addiction as a social (and systemic) issue, rather than a property of individual consumers or the pathological-addictive character of particular commodities, sheds light on how oil is built into hydrocarbon capitalism, and what it will take to, as it were, break the habit of large-scale oil consumption.


Author(s):  
Antulio Rosales ◽  
Miriam Sánchez

Venezuela is essential for global energy politics because it has the largest oil reserves in the world. Historically the nation has been a significant producer, but from 2013 onward it became immersed in a deep crisis. This chapter discusses the transformation of Venezuela attributed to oil extraction, the complexities of the political configurations molded by rent distribution, and the changes in sociocultural features due to the permeation of oil rents. Venezuela’s dependence on oil has often been explained through the “resource curse thesis” due to its incapacity to assure the benefits of the commodity-led growth model and to invest in activities that foster long-term development. Political science scholarship, specifically, has been most concerned with the use of oil wealth to shape state and society and with the relationship between the state and the oil industry in Venezuela, especially its national oil company, PDVSA. These arguments account for a paradoxical mismatch between Venezuela’s promise as producer and its indebted and inefficient oil industry during Bolivarian Revolution, led first by Hugo Chávez and later by Nicolás Maduro.


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