scholarly journals Prevention of Armed Conflict in Europe: Comparing the Role of the EU and the US/NATO

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noah Carl

The period of relative peace in Europe since the end of the Second World War has been variously described as the ‘Pax Europaea’ and the ‘Pax Americana’. These descriptions reflect two major theories purporting to account for the relative absence of armed conflict during this period: one emphasising the pacifying impact of the EU, and the other emphasising the pacifying impact of the US/NATO. The present paper attempts to evaluate these theories by comparing the role of the EU and the US/NATO in several domains of armed conflict in Europe. It focuses on the mechanisms through which the two organisations have affected the risk and scale of armed conflict within each domain. Although both the EU and the US/NATO have contributed to the relative peace in Europe since the end of the Second World War, there is at least one domain in which each of the organisations has either exacerbated or failed to prevent armed conflict. Understanding the limitations of the two organisations, as well as their strengths, will be important for bolstering European security as the continent faces new geopolitical challenges.

Author(s):  
Frank Ledwidge

‘The Second World War: air operations in the West’ considers the air capabilities of the main actors of the Second World War including the Polish air force, the German Luftwaffe, the Soviet air force, Britain’s Royal Air Force, and the US Army Air Corps. It discusses the strategies employed by the different forces during the various stages of the war, including securing the control of the air during the Battle of Britain in 1940, which demonstrated that a defensive air campaign could have strategic and political effect. The improving technology throughout the war is discussed along with role of air power at sea, and the results and controversy of the bombing war in Europe.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 128
Author(s):  
Yingqin Wang

<em>In the aftermath of the Second World War, European integration progressed rapidly. Despite economic performance, the European community is far from playing a major role in security and defense. The catalyst for a European defense policy is the war in Yugoslavia, which shows that Europeans are dependent on Americans. Thus, the EU has the CSDP and has conducted many military and civilian operations. Yet a new wave of academic studies, launched by proponents of American neorealism, argues that the EU is engaged in an attempt to “balance” the US by exploiting the CSDP. By studying European history in terms of security, we find that the balancing theory can not be justified.</em>


2009 ◽  
Vol 43 (5) ◽  
pp. 1149-1187 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. STOCKWELL

AbstractLike so many features of the British Empire, policy for colonial higher education was transformed during the Second World War. In 1945 the Asquith Commission established principles for its development, and in 1948 the Carr–Saunders report recommended the immediate establishment of a university in Malaya to prepare for self-government. This institution grew at a rate that surpassed expectations, but the aspirations of its founders were challenged by lack of resources, the mixed reactions of the Malayan people and the politics of decolonisation. The role of the University of Malaya in engineering a united Malayan nation was hampered by lingering colonial attitudes and ultimately frustrated by differences between Singapore and the Federation. These differences culminated in the university's partition in January 1962. In the end it was the politics of nation-building which moulded the university rather than the other way round.


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 9-29
Author(s):  
Ana-Maria Stoian

This paper discusses the importance of norms and values in the transatlantic relations. Beginning with the values that shaped the transatlantic partnership at the end of the Second World War, the analysis questions the redefinition of transatlantic values at the beginning of the 21st century, emphasizing patterns of convergence and divergence. Using a comparative approach, the article presents values, norms and principles explaining the domestic and international behaviour of the US and the EU. The main argument of the paper is that there are not two different sets of values, a European and an American one, but a single transatlantic set of values (a Western one), with some distinct elements and approaches. There is not a great departure from the common matrix of values so that to endanger the US-European relationship indefinitely.


Orð og tunga ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 195-213
Author(s):  
Guðlaugur Rúnar Guðmundsson

During the occupation in the Second World War, British and American soldiers in the Greater-Reykjavik area replaced Icelandic place names with English ones which were easier for them to pronounce and read, and they also anglicized some Icelandic names. In the article, these names are described and discussed. The British soldiers mostly used names which they knew from districts in England and Scotland. The US soldiers were, on the other hand, more fond of names of heroes and generals in the US army. The English place names never really gained a foothold in Iceland after the Second World War, and they disappeared in one decade.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-166
Author(s):  
Florin Tudorache

The efforts for peace at the end of the Second World War were based on the belief that only through "European unification" was there hope for an end to a chapter in Europe's recent history of war, bloodshed and destruction. The supreme objectives of safeguarding peace, but also of economic unification, contained in the Constitutive Treaties of the European Communities were impregnated with the fundamental intention of ensuring peace. The Treaties that gave birth to the European Communities and the Union confirm that the goal of peace has succeeded, and that a violent confrontation between Member States is currently unlikely. On the other hand, the conflicts that have affected the former Yugoslavia have shown that peace and democracy in Europe are not as obvious as they seemed. The Yugoslav crisis has also shown that it is vital to act in support of peace beyond the borders of the conflict-free zone within the European Union. The paper aims to analyze the evolution of the concept of common European defence, in order to identify features and trends of the European security environment that can provide an image of the future options of the European Union in the field of defence.


Author(s):  
Simon Usherwood ◽  
John Pinder

‘What the EU is for’ explores the development of the European Community (EC). For France and Germany, finding a way to live together in a durable peace was a fundamental political priority that the EC was designed to serve. As the Second World War recedes into a more distant past, the motive of peace and security remains a powerful influence on governments and politicians of many member states—and peace could only succeed with adequate economic performance. There are two main explanations for the phenomenon of the EC and EU. One emphasizes the role of member states and their intergovernmental dealings; the other gives greater weight to the European institutions.


Author(s):  
Astrid Kjeldgaard-Pedersen

Chapter 5 first assesses the extent to which the law of international armed conflict engages individuals directly and the impact of the different conceptions of international legal personality on the formation and application of the relevant treaty norms. Sections 5.1 and 5.2 study both provisions that do regulate the conduct of individuals directly, and provisions where such direct regulation was discussed but ultimately discarded in favour of an inter-State model. Turning to non-international armed conflict, Section 5.3 outlines the development of the doctrine of ‘recognition of belligerency’ between the late eighteenth century and the Second World War. Subsequently, Section 5.4 examines the role of the concept of international legal personality in the post-Second World War formation of treaty norms governing non-international armed conflicts. The chapter ends with a discussion of the diverging jurisprudential explanations in the current academic debate for the bindingness of international law on armed opposition groups.


Author(s):  
Miles Leeson

This chapter will be twofold. Firstly an examination of the narrative place of incest within both Murdoch’s and de Beauvoir’s work and questioning the role of the ephebophilic attitudes of the central male characters to the younger, less experienced Julian Baffin (The Black Prince, 1973) and Nadine Dubreuilh (The Mandarins, 1954). Both of these texts are informed by philosophical idea of the virtuous and it seems clear that Murdoch takes much from de Beauvoir’s earlier novel. The structure of Murdoch’s work is far more relaxed and this is clearly seen in the style that Murdoch presents us with the sexual relations of the characters whereas de Beauvoir’s work aims to bring the reader to a better understanding of the underlying existentialist position. Is love debased by both Murdoch and de Beauvoir via the taboo of incest to heighten the eventual outcomes of the respective novels or does it form a signifying position that point us toward a new moral reality that developed after the Second World War? Little work has been produced relating these two authors to the other and a reassessment of their work is both timely and necessary.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Redvaldsen

Concentrating on the strength of the mutual relationship, this article examines crucial periods in Anglo-Norwegian history since 1814. In the November Treaty (1855) Britain and France guaranteed the Swedish-Norwegian union's territory against Russian encroachment. Britain was not supportive of Norwegian independence in 1905, though she had wanted better terms for Norway within the union. From a Norwegian perspective, Britain was the most important signatory to the Integrity Treaty (1907) whereby the great powers guaranteed her territory. Due to her neutrality Norway could not openly support Britain, but many events prior to 1940 showed that she oriented her foreign policy primarily towards London. The German invasion and Norway's subsequent entry into the Second World War on the side of the Allies, fostered much warmer Anglo-Norwegian relations. These were cemented by the creation of NATO in 1949, in which both nations participated. In the 1950s even British officials occasionally described the ties as a ‘special relationship’. In that decade and in the 1960s, Britain preferred to work with the Scandinavian nations in multilateral organizations such as UNISCAN and EFTA. In 1973, however, Britain entered the EEC, whereas the Norwegian people had voted to reject the membership their government was recommending. The great power's interests shifted away from Scandinavia towards mainland Europe. Consequently, relations with Norway became more distant. Norway's second stalled bid to enter the EU in 1994 underlined that the two countries have drifted apart. The article nevertheless argues that Britain was Norway's lodestar between 1905 and 1973.


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