King Zog’s Foreign Policy with Neighboring Countries

Zogu has resolutely defended the freedom and independence of his country. Zogu consolidated diplomatic relations with neighboring countries and the political strategy followed by him brought not only economic stability, but also protection of the territory. Seen from that prespective, the purpose of this paper is to show that the policy pursued by King Zog, influenced the establishment of peace in the country and protected the entire Balkans by not further complicating the situation and neutralizing the greedy interests and intentions of Yugoslavia for the territory of Albania, especially St. Naum. In 1924 King Zog had also a possed Yugoslavia’s intervention and intrigues. Throughout his policy, he aimed to achieve Balkan’s peace, because Zogu understanding very well that this would bring peace to Albania as well. The foreign policy led by Zog, deprived neighboring countries of any wishing conflicts. Thus the peace in Europe would have been in jeopardy as a result of threatening Balkans’s peace. Received: 7 July 2021 / Accepted: 30 August 2021 / Published: 5 September 2021

The West, Russia and European security: Still the long peace?

Against the background of increased tensions between the West and Russia, this article assesses the prospects for continued peace in Europe. The end of the East-West conflict upended the Cold War rules of the game in Europe’s east, creating an enduring source of conflict. Balanced against this, however, are a range of factors which act as powerful bulwarks against war: a European balance of power best characterised as modified bipolarity, the continued pacifying effect of nuclear weapons, energy interdependence between Russia and Europe, the deterrent effect of the likely consequences of any extended conventional war, and the continuing impact of the post-1945 satellite reconnaissance revolution. Post-Cold War Western and Russian crisis behaviour also suggests important elements of restraint and mutual communication. Despite the downturn in Russo-Western relations, one can be cautiously optimistic that the long peace in Europe will continue.

The Two Wars

The first inter-imperial war amongst the Great Powers since the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815, the Crimean War (1853–1856) shook the world and devastated peoples, economies, and finances. Some historians argue that it symbolized the destruction of the Concert of Europe. This chapter offers an alternative assessment. It shows that the Concert continued to exist after 1856 even though the peace established on the heels of the Crimean War was delicate and repeatedly tested peace in Europe and the Levant. Like the aftershocks of a disastrous earthquake, its aftermath witnessed further Great Power wars, civil strifes, and rebellions. The precarious climate that emerged at the time dovetailed with the existing and newly emerging tensions in Mount Lebanon. These snowballed into further fighting in the mountain during the summer of 1860—a much more devastating conflict, with a death toll around three to five times greater than the civil wars of 1841 and 1845 combined.

The History of Fair Trade: Hugo Grotius, Corporations, and the Spanish Enlightenment

The early Spanish Enlightenment was shaped by debates over corporations, sovereignty, and the balance of power in Europe. Spanish officials, in this context, turned to the ideas of Hugo Grotius to establish joint-stock companies that could allow the Crown to regain control over its imperial domains and establish perpetual peace in Europe. This article recovers the writings of Félix Fernando de Sotomayor, Duke of Sotomayor (1684–1767), who drew on the works of Grotius, Samuel Pufendorf, and Charles Dutot in order to show that the history of these corporations chronicled the contestation and erosion of Spanish power and the diversion of European states from their true interests. Sovereigns, not merchants, argued Sotomayor, could guarantee fair trade and the equitable distribution of wealth. The study of Sotomayor’s views on trade, natural law, and alienation challenges traditional interpretations about the Iberian engagement with Grotius, the rise of capitalist hopes in Southern and Northern Europe, and Spain’s investment in the Enlightenment.

Ekonomske odredbe Versajskog mirovnog ugovora: preispitivanje nakon jednog veka

Contrary to widespread belief, reparations imposed on Germany by the economic provisions of the Treaty of Versailles did not undermine the German economy, nor push it into a vicious cycle of crises and backwardness, from which emerged National Socialism and Adolf Hitler’s power takeover. In the first decade after the conclusion of the Treaty of Versailles, Germany’s economy prospered, with high growth rates. In the same decade, German National Socialists managed to win over only a negligible segment of the constituency, and Franco-German relations even improved. The turn took place with the Great Depression, which was, however, not related to the Treaty of Versailles whatsoever. Thus, it is a myth that the Treaty, predominantly through its economic provisions, led to the Second World War. The shortcomings of the Treaty of Versailles, with regard to providing sustainable peace in Europe, should be sought in the framework of the outcome of the First World War, which ended in an armistice, not German surrender. It was only after the Second World War that German unconditional surrender, full occupation of the country and dismemberment of German militarism created the grounds for political stability and sustainable peace in Europe.

Hyperwar

Europe could be facing a digital Dreadnought moment when strategy, capability, and technology combine to create a decisive breakthrough in the technology and character of warfare. The future of peace in Europe could well depend on the ability of Europeans and Americans to mount a credible defence and deterrence across the mosaic of hybrid, cyber, and hyper-warfare. Critical to such a posture will be the closing of the growing gap between Europe’s conventional and nuclear deterrents. Rather than match Russia’s burgeoning short and intermediate offensive nuclear systems, the Allies should consider a new concept of deterrence across the conventional, digital, nuclear spectrum. If not, Europeans will remain vulnerable to digital decapitation and the imposed use of disruptive technologies. Only a strategic ‘alliance’ between public policy and private technology will enable the Allies to harness the revolution in (applied) military technology to assure European defence in the face of the gathering (tech-)storm.

Defending Europe

The maintenance of peace in Europe must not and cannot be taken for granted. Unless Europeans do far more for their own defence, the Americans will be unable to defend them, but there is no credible future war, future defence of Europe without the Americans! Five lines of strategy are thus needed: managing Russia with defence and dialogue; balancing post-COVID-19 human security and national defence; re-establishing European strategic realism and responsibility via a genuine NATO–EU partnership; building a strategic public–private partnership; and really adapting NATO to meet the future war, future defence challenge of Europe. This chapter details these.

The “Entente cordiale” and the rivalry of Great Britain and France in North Africa in 1830s–1840s. The example of Morocco

The article examines the relationship between the two leading powers of the 19th century, Great Britain and France, against the background of colonial rivalry in North Africa. Analyzing relevant English, French, and Moroccan diplomatic documents, the author concludes that the issue of establishing a dominant influence in Morocco was one of the main issues in the relations between Great Britain and France in 1830–1840. The French takeover of Algeria disrupted the regional and European balance of influence and gave a conflicting character to the relations between the competing powers. The “Entente Cordiale” (“Cordial Accord”), designed to contribute to the preservation of peace in Europe, acted as a deterrent that did not allow Great Britain and France to move to an open phase of confrontation in the Maghreb. The sharp phase of the rivalry between the two powers in Morocco occurred in 1837–1844 and was associated with the name of the hero of the liberation struggle of Algeria from the French invaders, Emir Abd al-Qadir. The Franco-Moroccan War of 1844 ended with the defeat of Morocco, facing the threat of French occupation. Due to the pressure from British diplomacy, the Franco-Moroccan treaty was concluded, and the sultanate existed as an independent country for about sixty years, although in fact the European powers did not stop systematically undermining the country's sovereignty.

EU Tourism Contributing to Peace and Unity?

This chapter analyses the EU tourism policy regarding tourism sensitive to peace. It relies on the medieval, modern, and contemporary enlightenment philosophy of building a lasting peace in Europe, which were foundational ideas of European integration and keep being a reflex in its current values. Although the EU has been witnessing the longest period of this territory with peace, it is not taken for granted, and Euroscepticism and nationalism have been growing in Europe. The chapter assesses the conception of tourism as an intervening policy for the EU to contain nationalism, intolerance, and state conflict in Europe, using the theoretical framework of tourism sensitive to peace. It is concluded that Europe lacks an immaterial vision for tourism, as it is confined to the market functionality.