scholarly journals Future In The Past: The Problem Of Values In Transatlantic Relations

2006 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 9-29
Author(s):  
Ana-Maria Stoian

This paper discusses the importance of norms and values in the transatlantic relations. Beginning with the values that shaped the transatlantic partnership at the end of the Second World War, the analysis questions the redefinition of transatlantic values at the beginning of the 21st century, emphasizing patterns of convergence and divergence. Using a comparative approach, the article presents values, norms and principles explaining the domestic and international behaviour of the US and the EU. The main argument of the paper is that there are not two different sets of values, a European and an American one, but a single transatlantic set of values (a Western one), with some distinct elements and approaches. There is not a great departure from the common matrix of values so that to endanger the US-European relationship indefinitely.

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 128
Author(s):  
Yingqin Wang

<em>In the aftermath of the Second World War, European integration progressed rapidly. Despite economic performance, the European community is far from playing a major role in security and defense. The catalyst for a European defense policy is the war in Yugoslavia, which shows that Europeans are dependent on Americans. Thus, the EU has the CSDP and has conducted many military and civilian operations. Yet a new wave of academic studies, launched by proponents of American neorealism, argues that the EU is engaged in an attempt to “balance” the US by exploiting the CSDP. By studying European history in terms of security, we find that the balancing theory can not be justified.</em>


2021 ◽  
pp. 31-48
Author(s):  
Michael Cox

This chapter maps the changing transatlantic relations and underlines how this impacts Brexit and EU-UK relations. It points out that the view of the US government remains influential in European affairs, despite claims about transatlantic divergence. It also mentions the endorsement and encouragement of the Trump Administration of the Brexit project, while the new Biden Administration remain unwavering in its commitment in favour of the Belfast Good Friday Agreement and the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland. The chapter suggests that Brexit should not just be regarded as a UK-European affair but one of the biggest geopolitical shifts since the Second World War. It discusses the Trump phenomenon and why it represented a threat to both the transatlantic relationship and the European project.


2020 ◽  
Vol 100 (7) ◽  
pp. 199-206
Author(s):  
Yuri Denisov ◽  

The image of the Second World War is one of the most significant images of the past for the European identity. The purpose of this study is to analyze its potential for the formation of the modern European identity as a supranational construct. The ambivalent nature of this phenomenon is revealed. The image WWII contains a sufficiently powerful unifying impulse. It is determined by the uniting role of the colossal tragedy, the common misfortune that befell Europe in the middle of the past century, its integrational significance for the joint efforts to build a single European community in order to prevent the recurrence of these events. Nowadays, this momentum is realized through the preservation of European memory, the institutionalization of anniversaries, the broadcast of the memory of the war in the process of intergenerational communication in the functioning of the institutions of education and cultural environment as a whole, the articulation of traumatic memories in the political discourse. At the same time the author demonstrated that, the image of WWII has a serious deconsolidating element for the common European identity. It is caused by contradictions in the European collective memory. The new technological revolution that has engulfed Europe, accompanied by a steady shift of communication practices into cyberspace and the emergence of the phenomenon of cyber-memory, changes the mechanisms of representation and reception of the war image. The Global Network facilitates a steady increase of both the means for the representation and visualization of the image of the past, making it more interactive, multimodal, multifaceted and simplified. The number of actors of memory politics, who take part in the formation of the European identity, or rather ‒ of an unlimited set of identities has been growing.


2005 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 8-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kazuhiko Togo

Out of the deep spiritual vacuum from defeat in the Second World War, two fundamental rifts emerged in Japan. First, on the foreign policy front, the realism embraced by the conservative government was opposed by strong idealistic pacifism advocated by opposition parties and media, and this rift continued until the end of the Cold War. Second, with regard to the war in Asia, the Japanese gradually learned of atrocities committed, for which Japan owed an apology. However, views prevailing at the time to totally reject the past caused discomfort aming many Japanese, and the issue of lost identity was left unanswered during the Cold War. When the Cold War ended, Japan began to move towords a more responsible and self-assertive security and defence policy. A series of initiatives toward clearer apology and reconciliation were confronted by a strengthened nationalism, and the issue of lost identity remained unresolved at the end of the 1990s. Koizumi has done well to implement a more responsible, proactive, realistic and self-assertive security and defence policy; moreover relations with the US have been considerably strengthened. But in East Asia, the issue of lost identity has reappeared and foreign policy towards Russia, Korea and China has resulted in a hardning of Japan's position in the region. Japan needs to have the courage to overcome this unresolved issue, while other countries' greater understanding of Japan's move toward a re-established identity will facilitate this process. Genuine dialogue is needed on all fronts.


2020 ◽  
pp. 217-226
Author(s):  
Yuri Denisov ◽  

The image of the Second world war is one of the most significant images of the past for the European identity. The purpose of this study is to analyze its potential for the formation of the modern European identity as a supranational construct. The results of the study showed the ambivalent nature of this potential. On the one hand, the image of the Second world war retains a sufficiently powerful unifying impulse. It is determined by the uniting role of the colossal tragedy, the common misfortune that befell Europe in the middle of the past century, its integrational significance for the beginning of joint efforts to build a single European community in order to prevent the recurrence of these events. Today, this momentum is realized through the preservation of European memory, the institutionalization of anniversaries, the broadcast of the memory of the war in the process of intergenerational communication in the functioning of the institutions of education and cultural environment as a whole, the articulation of traumatic memories in the political discourse. On the other hand, the image of World War Two has a serious deconsolidating charge for the common European identity. It is caused by contradictions in the European collective memory, which are more and more clearly manifested in the conditions of modern political conjuncture. The new technological revolution that has engulfed Europe, accompanied by a steady shift of communication practices into cyberspace and the emergence of the phenomenon of cyber-memory, changes the mechanisms of representation and reception of the image of the Second World War. In the presence of the Global Network, we observe a steady increase of not only the arsenal of means for the representation and visualization of the image of the past, making it more interactive, multimodal, multifaceted and simplified, but also of the number of actors of memory politics, taking part in the formation of the European identity, or rather — an unlimited set of identities.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noah Carl

The period of relative peace in Europe since the end of the Second World War has been variously described as the ‘Pax Europaea’ and the ‘Pax Americana’. These descriptions reflect two major theories purporting to account for the relative absence of armed conflict during this period: one emphasising the pacifying impact of the EU, and the other emphasising the pacifying impact of the US/NATO. The present paper attempts to evaluate these theories by comparing the role of the EU and the US/NATO in several domains of armed conflict in Europe. It focuses on the mechanisms through which the two organisations have affected the risk and scale of armed conflict within each domain. Although both the EU and the US/NATO have contributed to the relative peace in Europe since the end of the Second World War, there is at least one domain in which each of the organisations has either exacerbated or failed to prevent armed conflict. Understanding the limitations of the two organisations, as well as their strengths, will be important for bolstering European security as the continent faces new geopolitical challenges.


Author(s):  
Pedro Iacobelli Delpiano

ResumenLa literatura sobre la historia internacional de Chile durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial ha centrado el debate en torno al juego de presiones ejercidas por los Estados Unidos hacia los gobiernos radicales de Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia y Juan Antonio Ríos Morales para conseguir que Chile se sumara a la política continental contra las fuerzas del Eje. La neutralidad chilena fue interpretada como una actitud traicionera por los estadounidenses y en un triunfo por los países del Eje durante 1941 a 1943. Este artículo introduce el debate y busca presentar las posibilidades historiográficas al incluir a Japón, tanto como actor relevante en la política chilena como receptor de la “neutralidad” chilena en el periodo.Palabras clave: Chile, Japón, Segunda Guerra Mundial, Estados Unidos, historiografíaThe Chilean “Neutrality” in World War II (1939-1943): A historiographical analysis focused on the literature of the diplomatic relations between Chile and JapanAbstractThe literature about Chile´s international history during World War II has heavily laid on the power dynamics between the US and the Chilean radical governments of vice-president (interim) Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia and president Juan Antonio Rios Morales. Since the Roosevelt administration sought to secure the rupture of diplomatic relations between Chile and the Axis powers, Santiago´s refusal to break relations was understood as treason by the US and as a diplomatic success by the Axis powers during 1941-1943.This paper delves into the historiographical possibilities in including Japan, either as a relevant actor in the Chilean politics and as receptor of the newsabout Chile´s neutrality.Keywords: Chile, Japan, Second World War, United States, historiographyA “neutralidade” chilena na segunda guerra mundial(1939-1943): uma análise historiográfica, com ênfase naliteratura sobre as relações Chile-JapãoResumoA literatura sobre a história internacional do Chile durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial tem-se centrado no debate em torno ao jogo de pressões exercidas pelos Estados Unidos aos governos radicais de Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia e Juan Antonio Rios Morales, para conseguir que o Chile pudesse se somar a política continental contra as forças do Eixo. A neutralidade chilena foi interpretada como uma atitude traiçoeira pelos norte-americanos e uma vitória para os países do Eixo durante 1941 a 1943. Este artigo introduz o debate e procura a presentar as possibilidades historiográficas ao incluir ao Japão, tanto como um ator relevante na política chilena como o destinatário da “neutralidade” chilena no período.Palavras-chave: Chile, Japão, Segunda Guerra Mundial, Estados Unidos, historiografia


1973 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-188
Author(s):  
Rafiq Ahmad

Like nations and civilizations, sciences also pass through period of crises when established theories are overthrown by the unpredictable behaviour of events. Economics is passing through such a crisis. The challenge thrown by the Great Depression of early 1930s took a decade before Keynes re-established the supremacy of economics. But this supremacy has again been upset by the crisis of poverty in the vast under-developed world which attained political independence after the Second World War. Poverty had always existed but never before had it been of such concern to economists as during the past twenty five years or so. Economic literature dealing with this problem has piled up but so have the agonies of poverty. No plausible and well-integrated theory of economic development or under-development has emerged so far, though brilliant advances have been made in isolated directions.


Author(s):  
Magdalena Saryusz-Wolska

The article focuses on advertisements as visual and historical sources. The material comes from the German press that appeared immediately after the end of the Second World War. During this time, all kinds of products were scarce. In comparison to this, colorful advertisements of luxury products are more than noteworthy. What do these images tell us about the early post-war years in Germany? The author argues that advertisements are a medium that shapes social norms. Rather than reflecting the historical realities, advertisements construct them. From an aesthetical and cultural point of view, advertisements gave thus a sense of continuity between the pre- and post-war years. The author suggests, therefore, that the advertisements should not be treated as a source for economic history. They are, however, important for studying social developments that occurred in the past.


Modern Italy ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Gianmarco Mancosu

This article aims to expose the political and cultural processes that contributed to the eradication of problematic memories of the Italian colonial period during the national reconstruction following the Second World War. It offers a systematic examination of newsreels and documentaries about the Italian former colonies that were produced between 1946 and 1960, a film corpus that has largely been neglected by previous scholarship. The article first dissects the ambiguous political scenario that characterised the production of this footage through the study of original archival findings. The footage configured a particular form of self-exculpatory memory, which obstructed a thorough critique of the colonial period while articulating a new discourse about the future presence of Italy in the former colonies. This seems to be a case of aphasia rather than amnesia, insofar as the films addressed not an absence, but an inability to comprehend and articulate a critical discourse about the past. This aphasic configuration of colonial memories will be tackled through a close reading of the voice-over and commentary. In so doing, this work suggests that the footage actively contributed to spread un-problematised narratives and memories about the colonial period, whose results still infiltrate Italian contemporary society, politics and culture.


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