scholarly journals Terrorism and Right-Wing Extremism: History and Comparative Definitions

2020 ◽  
pp. 77-94
Author(s):  
Kwame Badu Antwi-Boasiako ◽  
Caleb Grant Hill
Keyword(s):  
Meta Analysis ◽  
Methodological Approach ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Ethnic Nationalism ◽  
Mass Shooting ◽  
Right Wing Extremism ◽  
Gathering Data ◽  
Freedom Fighter

Recent narratives on terrorism have focused on the definitions. Terrorism is not a new phenomenon, but the problem resides in its definition and who is defining it. Conceptualizing terrorism depends on which framework one utilizes. The use of different lenses to define the term has contributed to the lack of global acceptance of what constitutes terrorism, hence the difficulty of gathering data for analysis. It is also a conundrum when powerful nations legitimize their terrorist activities against weaker ones. This, unfortunately, has led to the subjectiveness of every attempt in the literature to objectively provide a globally acceptable definition. Using meta-analysis as the methodological approach for the study a number of definitions were scrutinised. This article provides a brief examination of the intersection between right-wing terrorism and ethnic nationalism, and how accelerationism escalates ideology into violence. The paper compares two acts of violence, one traditionally viewed as terrorism and the other labelled solely as a mass shooting. It concludes with a comparative analysis of the definitions provided, utilizing a case study to examine how labels of a terrorist or a freedom fighter impact on one’s view of a group’s motivation. This is pertinent when analysing ideologically motivated violence.

On the 'Two Faces' of right-wing extremism in Belgium : Confronting the ideology of extreme right-wing parties in Belgium with the attitudes and motives of their voters

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 397-411
Author(s):  
Hans De Witte
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Ethnic Nationalism ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Core Elements ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

In this article, we analyse the ideological differences between extreme rightwing parties and their voters in the Flemish and Walloon part of Belgium. Extreme right-wing ideology consists of five core elements:  (biological) racism, extreme ethnic nationalism, the leadership principle, anti-parliamentarianism and an anti-leftist attitude. All these attitudes refer to the basic value of rightwing extremism: the belief in the inequality of individuals and ( ethnic) groups.  An analysis of the ideology of the Vlaams Blok in Flanders shows that it adheres to these core elements of extreme right-wing ideology. An analysis of the attitudes and motives of the voters of this party, however, shows that they cannot be considered as right-wing extremists. The ideological gap between the Vlaams Blok and its electorate is due to the strategy of this party, since it cultivates 'two faces': a populist, moderate face in order to attract votes, and a radical extreme rightwingface in order to recruit and motivate militants. In Wallonia, less is known about the ideology of right-wing parties and that of their voters. Current research however, suggests that the conclusions from Flemish research may very well be generalized to Wallonia as well.

scholarly journals Rasizmus v rozvoji a v rozvojovej spolupráci

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Tomáš Profant
Keyword(s):  
Basic Assumption ◽  
Development Cooperation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Development Discourse ◽  
Structural Racism ◽  
Capitalist System ◽  
Good Deed ◽  
Political Center ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

Development cooperation or aid is often perceived as a form of charity or a good deed that is being carried out only with the best intentions. Racism, on the other hand, is most often connected with right wing extremism (even though in Slovakia it is connected also with the wider political center). The basic assumption of this theoretical article is the opposite. One can find racism also in development and development cooperation. The article tries to answer the following question: What are the main forms of racism in development and development cooperation? On the basis of the extant and my own research the article categorizes the forms of racism in development and development cooperation and identifies the three main ones: development discourse, structural racism connected with the racially differentiated global capitalist system and an everyday racism connected with racially biased institutions. The conclusion poses a question regarding the way one may fight these forms of racism and briefly answers it.

scholarly journals Zmiana w postrzeganiu imigracji, integracji, wielokulturowości i zagrożenia islamskim radykalizmem przez władze niektórych państw UE

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (24) ◽  
pp. 11-45
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Izak
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
State Security ◽  
Dangerous Situation ◽  
Political Narrative ◽  
The One ◽  
Methods Of Operation ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

Kryzys imigracyjny w 2015 r. stał się motorem dla ruchów i partii negujących dotychczasowy porządek polityczny, także tych, które nie ukrywają swoich ksenofobicznych haseł i idei. Z perspektywy czasu jest coraz więcej oznak, że decyzja o niekontrolowanym przyjęciu uchodźców była bardziej wyrazem myślenia życzeniowego niż racjonalnym rozstrzygnięciem uwzględniającym rzeczywistą sytuację polityczną. Tym samym Europa znalazła się w niebezpiecznej sytuacji, kiedy to z jednej strony rosną w siłę ruchy skrajnie prawicowe, a z drugiej – radykalny islam. Każda z tych formacji legitymizuje swoje istnienie i metody działania istnieniem drugiej strony, a także próbuje doprowadzić do polaryzacji społeczeństwa i stworzenia takiej sytuacji, która niejako wymusi na obywatelach opowiedzenie się po stronie którejś z tych formacji. Paradoksalnie, decyzja kanclerz Merkel znacznie zwiększyła ryzyko wystąpienia takiego scenariusza, dlatego też niemieckie władze postrzegają i islamski, i prawicowy ekstremizm jako stwarzające jednakowe zagrożenie bezpieczeństwa państwa. Jednak dopiero ostatnie zamachy terrorystyczne w październiku i listopadzie 2020 r. we Francji i Niemczech przyczyniły się do zmiany politycznej narracji. Changes in the perception of immigration, integration, multiculturalism and threats of Islamic radicalism in certain EU member states The 2015 immigration crisis became a driving force for movements and parties that negate the current political order, including those that do not conceal their xenophobic slogans and ideas. In retrospect, there are more and more signs that the decision to accept the uncontrolled refugee influx was more an expression of wishful thinking than a rational decision, taking into account the actual political situation. Thus, Europe finds itself in a dangerous situation with far-right movements on the one hand, and radical Islam on the other. Each of these formations legitimizes its existence and methods of operation by the existence of the other side, trying to polarize society and create a situation that will somehow force citizens to opt for one of the two options. Paradoxically, Chancellor Merkel’s decision significantly increased the risk of such a scenario, hence the perception of Islamic and right-wing extremism by the German authorities as posing an equal threat to state security. However, it was only the recent terrorist attacks in October and November 2020 in France and Germany that changed the political narrative.

Zapobieganie prawicowemu ekstremizmowi i jego zwalczanie na przykładzie Niemiec

2011 ◽  
pp. 168-190
Author(s):  
Kinga Schlesinger
Keyword(s):  
European Commission ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Target Groups ◽  
Main Target ◽  
The Media ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

The article scrutinises the issue of right-wing extremism in Germany in recent years. The analysis leads to the conclusion that this problem is gathering in force in the UE while in Germany it is tending to diminish. The anti-extremism actions undertaken in Germany are so significant that they may provide a sui generis model for the other EU states and the European Commission to follow. The article describes, how right-wing extremism is prevented and countered, in particular as exemplified by Germany. Anti-extremist actions are carried out with regard to various entities and in various fields, namely, legislation, justice, administration, education, the media and NGOs. The article provides a review of anti-extremism strategies applied by the state bodies to the extreme right-wing parties, from marginalising them, in the case of Germany, to accepting them into ruling coalitions, in the case of Austria. The author’s considerations lead her to the conclusion that the main target groups in anti-extremist actions should be the youth and journalists.

scholarly journals Balance Impossible? Between Customizability and Comparability of Employee Satisfaction Surveys

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-102
Author(s):  
Christoph Hartebrodt ◽  
Yvonne Chtioui
Keyword(s):  
Balanced Scorecard ◽  
Employee Satisfaction ◽  
Meta Analysis ◽  
Methodological Approach ◽  
The Other ◽  
Management Systems ◽  
Satisfaction Survey ◽  
Satisfaction Index ◽  
Strategic Goals ◽  
Forest Enterprises

Abstract In a significant share of cases, when multi-objective management systems (e.g. Balanced Scorecard, Quantum Performance Measurement) are in use, the goal of employee satisfaction is part of the set of strategic goals. Quite frequently, this goal is flanked by an indicator, mostly a so-called employee satisfaction index, which is frequently derived from an employee satisfaction survey (ESS). On one hand such a survey has to reflect the characteristics and structure of the enterprises, on the other hand it is known that the question for intercompany-comparison turns up immediately after the disclosure of the results. The paper discusses the results of a meta-analysis of ESS in seven of the larger forest enterprises in Germany. The main topics are underlined and the problems of comparability of customized ESS are shown, while focusing on both wording and scales used for their measurement. A methodological approach of dealing with various scales is discussed based on the results of inter- and intra-company ESS. A vision of a common ESS framework is outlined.

scholarly journals Changes in the perception of immigration, integration, multiculturalism and threats of Islamic radicalism in certain EU member states

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (24) ◽  
pp. 375-403
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Izak
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
State Security ◽  
Dangerous Situation ◽  
Political Narrative ◽  
The One ◽  
Methods Of Operation ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

The 2015 immigration crisis became a driving force for movements and parties that negate the current political order, including those that do not conceal their xenophobic slogans and ideas. In retrospect, there are more and more signs that the decision to accept the uncontrolled refugee influx was more an expression of wishful thinking than a rational decision, taking into account the actual political situation. Thus, Europe finds itself in a dangerous situation with far-right movements on the one hand, and radical Islam on the other. Each of these formations legitimises its existence and methods of operation by the existence of the other side, trying to polarise society and create a situation that will somehow force citizens to opt for one of the two options. Paradoxically, Chancellor Merkel’s decision to admit immigrants significantly increased the risk of such a scenario, hence the perception of Islamic and right-wing extremism by the German authorities as posing an equal threat to state security. However, it was only the recent terrorist attacks in October and November 2020 in France and Germany that changed the political narrative.

The Relationship between Right–wing Attitudes and Cognitive Style: A Comparison of Self–report and Behavioural Measures of Rigidity and Intolerance of Ambiguity

2016 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 523-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alain Van Hiel ◽  
Emma Onraet ◽  
Howard M Crowson ◽  
Arne Roets
Keyword(s):  
Cognitive Style ◽  
European Association ◽  
Meta Analysis ◽  
The Other ◽  
Self Report ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Personality Psychology ◽  
Total N ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Intolerance Of Ambiguity

Two recent meta–analytic studies addressing the relationship between cognitive style and right–wing attitudes yielded some discrepancies. We argue that these discrepancies can be accounted for when one considers the types of cognitive style measures included in those analyses. One of these analyses primarily relied on self–report measures, whereas the other relied on behavioural measures of cognitive style. Based on a new meta–analysis of 103 samples (total N = 12 714) focussing on behavioural and self–report measures of rigidity and intolerance of ambiguity, we confirmed the hypothesis that self–report scales yield stronger relationships with right–wing attitudes than behavioural measures. We point out potential conceptual and validity issues with both types of cognitive style measures and call for cautiousness when interpreting the magnitude of their relationships with ideology. Copyright © 2016 European Association of Personality Psychology

Penal Regimes of Political Delinquency

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nitzan Shoshan
Keyword(s):  
Legal Regulation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Court Cases ◽  
Affective States ◽  
Legal Texts ◽  
The One ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

This chapter examines the juridical production of what it calls “political delinquency,” a figure that condenses irresolvable contradictions between forceful taboos on the one hand and liberal law on the other. Drawing on ethnographic materials, legal texts, and court cases, the chapter shows that the production of political delinquency, including that of young right-wing extremists, ultimately rests on hermeneutical procedures that appeal to affective states in general and hate in particular. It asks a number of questions, such as how the legal banning of right-wing extremism tallies with the constitutional prohibition of censorship, or what assumptions about symbols, their users, and the context of their deployments underpin the interpretative frameworks under which law regulates nationalism and xenophobia in Germany. It also considers denazification in juridical institutions and practices, ambiguities in interpreting legal codes as well as symbols/signs, and mechanisms of legal regulation.

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