scholarly journals Sovereignty Sensitivities and the Kosovo Crisis: The Impact of Domestic Considerations on Canada’s Foreign Policy

2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-165
Author(s):  
Krenare Recaj

In 1999, Canada participated in NATO’s Operation Allied Force, a seventy- eight-day bombing campaign against Yugoslavia meant to end the ethnic cleansing of Kosovar Albanians. Officially, Canada’s interests in developing its foreign policy toward Kosovo were humanitarian and regional stability considerations. These were shared with the rest of its NATO allies. Thus, on the surface, it would seem that Canada and its NATO allies had similar concerns during the decision-making process around Kosovo. Digging deeper, an analysis of the primary sources available suggests that Canada did, in fact, have additional and unique considerations during the Kosovo crisis, namely national unity. This analysis amply illustrates the close interconnection between domestic issues and Canadian foreign policy. During the Kosovo War, Canada had to balance sovereignty sensitivities with humanitarian concerns. From the first time Kosovo was mentioned in Parliament on 18 November 1991 to the end of the Kosovo War on 11 June 1999, Canadian parliamentarians attempted to distinguish what Canada’s views on Kosovo were. Historians have likewise been occupied with the same task: distinguishing the Canadian contribution and position. Like the parliamentarians, not one of the Canadian historians who has written on the topic has questioned the official government version of what motivated Canada’s policy in Kosovo. They all credit a combination of humanitarian and regional concerns. Therefore, there was consensus at the time, and has been since, about what motivated Canada’s policy toward Kosovo. However, an analysis of the primary sources reveals that Canada did in fact have an additional and unique consideration during the Kosovo crisis: national unity. Canada’s domestic national unity issue influenced Canadian foreign policy toward Kosovo at every stage.

Author(s):  
Vladislav Gennad'evich Morzheedov

The subject of this research is the relations between Napoleonic France and German states in the early XIX century. The object of this research is the various models of the development of German political space during the Napoleonic Wars. Analysis is conducted on the role of France in transformations that influences the Holy Roman Empire, as well as in the process of creating Confederation of the Rhine. Under the reign of Napoleon Bonaparte, France pursues active foreign policy, competing for hegemony in Europe. The article considers positive and negative consequences of transformations that took place in the German political space, the importance of political modernization for the Confederation of the Rhine member-states, as well as the corresponding territorial and institutional changes. The novelty of this work lies in the original approach towards the problem. An attempt is made to reconsider the known events of the early XIX century from the perspective of evolution of the models of German political space. The research employs chronological, historical-comparative, and historical-systematic methods. It is claimed that without analyzing the impact of foreign policy of Napoleonic France upon the German states, it is impossible to fully understand the trends of further development of Germany, goals and ways of reaching national unity, and peculiarities of Franco-German relations in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The main conclusion lies in recognition of the contradictory nature of transformations that took place in the German states, assessment of the ambiguous role of Napoleonic France in the German integration process, and importance of studying this topic for outlining further historical path of development of the German states towards political unity.


1984 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elliot J. Feldman ◽  
Lily Gardner Feldman

Author(s):  
David Carment ◽  
Brandon Jamieson

In an era of instability, upheaval, and change Canada’s place in the world remains uncertain. This is an era of significant geopolitical shifts, nationalism, and identity politics. As a result, the institutions in which Canada has invested significant capital such as trade, political, and security organizations are being tested and stretched to the limit. In essence, Canada’s fate and future is structurally contingent on its relationship with the United States; a relationship that paradoxically is key to enhancing Canadian sovereignty while at the same time having the potential to reduce it. Canada’s foreign policy has been captivated by three or perhaps four ends: the establishment of peace and security through the rule of law, maintaining a harmonious and productive relationship with the United States, and ensuring economic prosperity and competitiveness through trade and investment. To these three core elements we might add enhancing national unity and its corollary strengthening Canadian sovereignty. While these ends remain largely unchanged, where we would find a great deal of variation over time is how various governments envision achieving them. The publications cited in this article examine these emerging issues as well as those grounded in overarching debates about Canada’s place in the world, its relationship to the United States, and the importance of international institutions in advancing Canadian interests and values. While some of the readings may be regarded as definitive and others seminal much of what is identified is intended to provide insights on different ways of thinking about Canada’s foreign policy, who shapes it, and to what end.


1996 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-152
Author(s):  
Catherine Cano ◽  
Desmond Morton ◽  
Richard Gwyn ◽  
John Cruickshank

Author(s):  
W R Nadège Compaoré ◽  
Stéphanie Martel ◽  
J Andrew Grant

Abstract Observers of the evolution of international relations (IR) theory often point to an American hegemony in the discipline on a global level. However, more recent analyses show that there has been a systematic and increasing Canadianization of IR scholarship in Canada since the 1990s, facilitated by government policies that fostered the hiring of domestic candidates and the creation of Canadian foreign policy research centers. This process has by no means been a cohesive one, yet it reflects a tendency in Canadian IR to make room for a pluralism in ontological as well as epistemological and methodological terms. This opening up of space for diversity is an important yet underappreciated characteristic of Canadian IR's contribution to the discipline, which has not been seriously examined beyond the study of Canadian foreign policy. This article assesses the impact of Canadian IR scholarship on the development of a “Global IR” through an examination of its contributions to Asia-Pacific and African IR. We argue that despite its heterogeneity, Canadian IR scholarship in both areas is characterized by a common set of elements that, taken together, reflect a distinctly Canadian way of studying and practicing IR in relation to the Global South: pluralism and reflexivism.


Author(s):  
Fabrizio Coticchia

AbstractIn Italy, the Five Star Movement (M5S) and the Northern League (LN) formed a coalition government after the legislative elections of March 2018. What has been the actual impact of the populist executive in the Italian foreign policy? Relying on the (few) existing analyses that have developed specific hypotheses on the expected international repercussions of populist parties-ruled governments, the paper examines Italy’s foreign policy under the Italian “Yellow–Green” cabinet (June 2018–August 2019). The manuscript advances three hypotheses. First, the foreign policy of the Conte’s government has been featured by a personalistic and a centralized decision-making process. Second, the Yellow-Green executive has adopted a vocal confrontational stance on the world stage, especially within multilateral frameworks, to “take back control” over national sovereignty. Third, such sovereignist foreign policy was largely symbolic because of “strategic” populist attitudes toward public opinion and due to domestic and international constraints. The manuscript—which is based on secondary and primary sources, such as interviews with former ministers, MPs, and diplomats—aims at offering a new perspective on populist parties and foreign policy, alimenting the rising debate on foreign policy change.


Author(s):  
Zakhar Vasil'evich Pokudov ◽  
Viktor Evgen'evich Tumanin

The subject and key goal of this research consist in analysis of the impact of “American exceptionalism” concept upon U. S. foreign policy at the initial state of George W. Bush presidency. It is demonstrated how the phenomenon of “American exceptionalism”, being an intrinsic part of messianic idea of the United States, found its reelection in the foreign policy course of George W. Bush, particularly in the doctrine that virtually outlined the contours for the “global war against terrorism” and subsequent military operation in Iraq in 2003. In order to achieve the indicated goal, the author sets two tasks: deconstruction of the phenomenon of “American exceptionalism”, and demonstration of how these components were integrated into the Bush’s doctrine. Foreign sources and historiography allowed demonstrating the evolution of the phenomenon of “American exceptionalism” and its conceptual grounds. For tracing the patterns of the impact of this phenomenon upon the U. S. foreign policy course, the author applied historical-genetic method. The use of specific-historical analysis illustrated the influence of the phenomenon of “American exceptionalism” upon the U. S. foreign policy course overall, and the doctrine of George W. Bush in particular. The conclusion is made that the phenomenon of “American exceptionalism” gradually shifted from the field of U. S. domestic policy towards foreign policy; and the September 11 events prompted final consolidation of “American exceptionalism” in the U. S. foreign policy. The novelty of this work is defined by the fact that impact of the phenomenon of “American exceptionalism” upon establishment of the doctrine of George W. Bush is analyzed in detail for the first time.


Author(s):  
Arthur Roberto Capella Giannattasio ◽  
Débora Roma Drezza ◽  
Maria Beatriz Wehby

Abstract This article examines the limits that academics from peripheral countries might encounter while trying to influence the decision-making process inside an international organization. Although there are different mechanisms whereby academia might influence non-academic debates, we highlight here the use of policy papers, in order to examine and discuss the non-textual barriers which might be faced by those academics. After an analysis of primary sources this article presents some pragmatic limits in the use of policy papers and discusses the consequences of this condition for the legitimation of international organizations. As such, relevant international organizations still seem to be unresponsive to some initiatives in particular: closed to the spontaneous participation of academia; and not willing to call for contributions from academic communities. This is particularly relevant for contributions from peripheral academia and other non-state actors, who lack the capability to disturb the traditional ideational power exercised by core (Western) countries and by state-centric ideology in current international law.


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