The political history of administration: Forms of the state in France in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries

2012 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-42
Author(s):  
Alain Chatrtot

The few works that have focused on the history of the state in France stand in stark contrast to the vigor of the judgments made on its behalf. Thus a disparity emerged: the state as a political problem, or as a bureaucratic phenomenon, is at the heart of partisan passions and philosophical debates at the same time that it has remained a kind of ahistorical object.1

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rizka Wahyu Nurmalaningrum

Often the link between politics, economics and history escapes our attention so far. Much of the history of Indonesian development even the political history of the Indonesian nation itself has been forgotten by this millennial era society. They prefer mobile phones rather than books. Prefer cellphones from history. Even though history is important. The successors of the nation in the millennial era are more concerned with social media than knowing the origin of a country. Many do not understand the history of someone who can become president. There are various theories about history, such as Aristotelian theory, and the theory of plateau. Arisstoteles can be made a reference for learning for the ideals of the State with a fair and calm manner. The discussion with this theme takes the example of the fall of Soeharto as President of the Republic of Indonesia.


Author(s):  
John Roy Lynch

This chapter explores how 1869 was an important year in the political history of the state of Mississippi. The new constitution which was rejected in 1868 was to be resubmitted to a popular vote in November. At the same time, state officers, members of the legislature, congressmen, and district and county officers were to be elected. Since the objectionable clauses in the constitution were to be submitted to a separate vote and since it was understood that both parties would favor their rejection, there was no serious opposition to the ratification of the constitution as thus amended. But a hard and stubborn fight was to be made for control of state government.


Antiquity ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 76 (291) ◽  
pp. 184-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arturo Ruiz ◽  
Alberto Sánchez ◽  
Juan P. Bellón

IntroductionIn this article we set out to analyse, from an archaeological point of view, a political problem which, as demonstrated by current debate, including acts of violence, goes well beyond archaeology. Throughout the 19th century, and especially in its latter half, a centralist political model for Spain was developed in which a political balance could not be found between the State and [lie autonomous traditions of the varions regions of the Iherian Peninsula. As a result of this failure, legitimation programmes began to be constructed towards the end of 19th century, based on the history of the peoples of these regions. This led to a search in protohistorical archaeology [Iberians, Celts, Tartessians, etc.) for a possible solution to the political problems caused by a lack of institutional agreement between states and regions.


Author(s):  
John Roy Lynch

This chapter shows how 1872 was an important year in the political history of the state and nation. It was the year of the presidential and congressional elections. This was the first national election that Mississippi was to take part in since the readmission of the state into the Union. Immediately upon John Roy Lynch's return to the state, the contest for the Republican nomination for Congress in the Sixth District was opened. His friends had decided that this was the time for him to go to Congress. After a warm and exciting campaign, extending over a period of about one month, the primaries in the different voting precincts were held which resulted in a sweeping victory for the Lynch ticket, which enabled that faction to send a solid delegation to the congressional district convention. This made Lynch the nominee of the party for Congress in that district, without further serious opposition. The district convention was held at Brookhaven in August. Lynch reached the constitutional age of eligibility in September and was elected in November of the same year.


Author(s):  
Anushka Singh

It traces the discourse on freedom of expression in postcolonial idea, the security imperatives of the state, the political history of the law of sedition post-Independence and its journey within the courts. Through this, an attempt at conceptualizing public order, security of state and other grounds along which the act of sedition is penalized, is made. This chapter begins with debates on sedition within the Constituent Assembly and systematically takes these debates to the higher courts in India employing legal hermeneutics to read into the judgements and deduce a theory of sedition coming from the judiciary. The chapter treats the judicial pronouncements as contributing to the study of sedition as a speech act to identify what emerges as the crime of sedition within the legal-juridical regime in India.


Author(s):  
FREDERICK ANSCOMBE

In the political history of the Ottoman Empire, the long nineteenth century (1789–1915) stands out as a period of far-reaching, rapid change in the nature of the state. While the persistence of old practices should not be assumed along all frontiers of the empire, where it was applied the mutual support arrangement worked reasonably well at both ends of the nineteenth century. The two cases examined in this chapter illustrate this in a surprising fashion. The parallels are unexpected because among the notables involved, Tepedelenli Ali Pasha (1787–1820) in Epirus (Greece and Albania) and the Al Sabah and Al Thani shaykhs (1870–1915) in eastern Arabia carry reputations as unwilling subjects who rebelled against the sultan. It was largely due to the centre's failure to continue to uphold its part of the mutual support arrangement.


2002 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 623-651
Author(s):  
R. Rudy Higgens-Evenson

The year was 1915, and Edwin R. A. Seligman had a problem.He was not preoccupied with the battle for woman suffrage, which women would win in his state of New York just two years later. Nor was he immediately concerned with the war in Europe, which would soon involve the United States. Nor yet was he worried about hordes of immigrants, the labor question, or the regulation of big business. Those larger issues in the political history of the Progressive Era concerned him, but his immediate problem was both far more mundane and far more fundamental: How could the State of New York keep paying its bills?


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