Republican Factionalism and the Problem of Disenfranchisement

This chapter explains that it was during the administration of President Benjamin Harrison that another effort was made to secure the enactment by Congress of the necessary legislation for the effective enforcement of the war amendments to the national Constitution—a federal elections bill. But the fact was soon developed that there were too many Republicans, in and out of Congress, who lacked the courage of their convictions to secure favorable action. In fact, there were three classes of white men at the South who claimed to be Republicans who used their influence to defeat that contemplated legislation. The white men at the South who acted with the Republican party at that time were divided into four classes or groups. Ultimately, the defeat or abandonment of the Lodge Federal Elections Bill was equivalent to a declaration that no further attempts would be made to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the war amendments to the national Constitution. Southern Democrats were not slow in taking advantage of the knowledge of that fact.

Speaker of the House Lynch

This chapter highlights the nomination of John Roy Lynch by the House Republican caucus for Speaker of the House. In the organization of the House, the contest was not between white and colored, but between Democrats and Republicans. No one had been elected, at least on the Republican side, because he was a white man or because he was a colored man, but because he was a Republican. After a preliminary canvass, the fact was developed that Lynch was not only the choice of the colored members for Speaker of the House, but of a large majority of the white Republican members as well. They believed and voted in accordance with that belief, both in the party caucus and in the House, that he was the best equipped man for that responsible position. This fact had been demonstrated to their satisfaction during the two sessions of the preceding legislature.

McKinley Appointments: The Postal Service

This chapter explores how, in about a week or ten days after President William McKinley had signed the letter addressed to the postmaster general with reference to fourth-class postmasters, John Roy Lynch received a message requesting him to call at the White House. When Lynch arrived, the president handed him a slate containing the names of six persons that had been tentatively agreed upon for six of the most important offices in the state. Three of the six, stated the president, were represented as belonging to what is known as the Lynch organization. He also stated that he would have James Hill call the next day so as to consult him about the other three. When all of the important appointments in the state of Mississippi had been made, it was found that both organizations had about an equal representation.

Keeping in Politics

This chapter recounts that although John Roy Lynch had been appointed a major and Paymaster of Volunteers, since the position was known to be a temporary one, he felt that it was not only his privilege but his duty to continue to take an active part in politics. Having secured a greater degree of official recognition for his friends than appeared to be possible during the early days of the McKinley administration, the outlook for the future was not only encouraging but more satisfactory than at any time since the beginning of the factional fight in the state of Mississippi. Having been denied a seat in the national convention of 1896, to which he knew he was justly entitled, Lynch began at an early date to lay his plans for the national convention of 1900. Lynch was determined to be elected a delegate to that convention from the state at large, which would probably be the last national convention he would aspire to be a member of. The first step in that direction was to bring about such an adjustment of factional differences in the party as would prevent a double or contesting delegation.

1875: Democratic Victory

This chapter looks at the Democratic victory in 1875. Although as a result of the sanguinary revolution in 1875 there was no hope or prospect of future Republican success in Mississippi, the Republican leaders in that state did not abandon their efforts to bring about and reestablish friendly relations between Senator Alcorn and Governor Ames. With that end in view, both were made delegates to the National Republican Convention of 1876 from the state at large. But this failed to accomplish the purpose desired. When the newly elected legislature met the first Monday in January of 1876, the fact was developed that the Lamar faction was slightly in the ascendancy in the Democratic party. This, of course, resulted in the election of Mr. L. Q. C. Lamar to the United States Senate to succeed Senator Alcorn whose term would expire on March 4, 1877.

In Nebraska

This chapter details how John Roy Lynch's next station after being relieved from duty in Cuba was Omaha, Nebraska. When he crossed the Missouri River at Council Bluffs, Iowa, Lynch realized that for the first time in his life he had put foot on what may be called historic soil. It was the first time he had been that far west. Lynch had frequently passed through a number of the Western states, but had never before been as far west as the state of Nebraska. As a young man, he had read about the Missouri Compromise, the Dred Scott Decision, the Wilmot Proviso, the Kansas and Nebraska Bill, and the Fugitive Slave Law, all of which contributed in no small degree to what finally culminated in the War of the Rebellion. When Lynch reached the state of Nebraska, therefore, those important historical events were brought vividly to his memory.

The Disputed Presidency

This chapter assesses the dispute between R. B. Hayes and Samuel J. Tilden. Although the action of the returning boards in South Carolina, Louisiana, and Florida gave Hayes a majority of one vote in the electoral college, the Democrats, who were largely in the majority in the national House of Representatives, were evidently not willing to acquiesce in the declared result, claiming that Tilden had been fairly elected and that he ought to be inaugurated. Hon. Henry Waterson of Kentucky, who was at that time a member of the House, delivered a fiery speech in which he declared that one hundred thousand armed men would march to Washington to see that Tilden was inaugurated. The situation for a while looked very grave. It seemed as if there would be a dual government, both Hayes and Tilden claiming to be the legally elected president. To prevent this was the problem then before Congress and the American people. The creation of an electoral commission to pass upon and decide the disputed points involved was finally suggested and accepted by a majority of both parties.

In the Photography Business

This chapter addresses how, chiefly through the efforts of Dr. Patrick H. McGraw, who was an intimate friend of his father, John Roy Lynch secured employment in the photographic establishment of Hughes and Lakin, whose business was carried on in one of the buildings owned by Dr. McGraw. He was employed merely as a messenger boy at a salary of ten dollars per month. While Lynch faithfully discharged the duties for which he was employed, he took advantage of every opportunity to make himself familiar with every detail of the business of photography. Shortly after, he was promoted as printer and his salary was increased to fifteen dollars per month, since his work in that line gave entire satisfaction. He was so much in love with the business of photography that he was anxious and determined to master it with the view of devoting his future life to it if necessary.

1875: Gloomy Prospects for Reelection

This chapter details how, when John Roy Lynch returned to his home after the adjournment of Congress in March of 1875, the political clouds were dark. The outlook, politically, was discouraging; the prospect of Republican success was not at all bright. There had been a marked change in the situation from every point of view. Democrats were bold, outspoken, defiant, and determined. In addition to these unfavorable indications, Lynch noticed that he was not received and greeted by them with the same warmth and cordiality as on previous occasions. With a few exceptions, they were cold and indifferent in their attitude and manner. Lynch knew it was indicative of a change in the political situation which meant that he had before him the fight of his life. His advocacy and support of the Federal Elections Bill, commonly called the “Force Bill,” was occasionally given as the reason for this change, but Lynch knew this was not the true reason.

1874: Diminishing Republican Power

This chapter examines the diminishing Republican power. The Mississippi Constitution, having been ratified in 1869, an odd year of the calendar, caused the regular elections for state, district, and county officers to occur on the odd years of the calendar, while the national election occurred on the even years of the calendar, thus necessitating the holding of an election in the state every year. No election was to be held in 1874, therefore, except to choose members of Congress and to fill a few vacancies. The regular election for county officers and members of the legislature would be held in 1875. From a Republican point of view, Mississippi, as was true of the other reconstructed states, up to 1875 was all that could be expected and desired and no doubt would have remained so for many years but for the unexpected results of the state and congressional elections of 1874.