ISTOTA FUNKCJONOWANIA DUSZPASTERSTWA MIGRANTÓW W PRAWIE KOŚCIOŁA RZYMSKOKATOLICKIEGO

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-67
Author(s):  
Piotr Wojnicz

The Catholic Church is a universal community. Therefore, the Catholic Church cares of peopleliving outside their homeland. The primary objective of the structures of pastoral care of migrantsis the integration of immigrants into the local community. The pastoral care of migrants should beadapted to the migrants needs, their culture and traditions. The pastoral care of migrants operatesat three levels: the universal, the particular and the local.According to the Catholic Church migration is an international problem that should be resolvedwith the cooperation of all countries. The issue of cultural differences between migrants and localcommunities, should mitigate through learning of basic human rights.

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (`1) ◽  
pp. 49-68
Author(s):  
Piotr Wojnicz

The Catholic Church is naturally associated with migrants and its history and doctrine areinextricably linked with the migration of people. Many of the documents of the Catholic Church referto the history of human migration. The responsibility of the Catholic Church for migrants has deephistorical and theological roots. The Catholic Church sees both the positive and the negative sidesof this phenomenon The pastoral care of migrants is a response to the needs of these people. It doesnot replace the territorial structures. They both work closely together and complement each other.The primary objective of the pastoral care of migrants is to enable migrants to integrate with thelocal community. An important element of these structures are religious orders of men and women.The most important thing for migrants is the Christian attitude of the local community tothem. Church repeatedly stressed the importance of hospitality to migrants. Both human andChristian attitude towards migrants expresses itself in a good reception, which is the main factorin overcoming the inevitable difficulties, preventing opposites and solving various problems. Thisattitude helps to alleviate the problems associated with the process of social integration.


Author(s):  
Mykhailo Shumylo

The social doctrine of the Catholic Church is an indication of the active involvement of the Church in disseminating the ideas ofthe welfare state and it reflects its attempts to establish ideals of the welfare state through an external influence on the ideology of countriesthat belong to Christendom.Furthermore, one cannot ignore the fact that encyclicals had a direct or indirect influence on the adoption of the first social protectionacts in Catholic Europe where encyclicals played an important role.As a result, the Holy See aligned itself with the labour movement.Considering the fact that papal encyclicals covered the entire Catholic World, these documents can be viewed as an example ofinternational soft law.The first social rights, principles, and values in the area of social protection were enshrined in the encyclicals.Social rights belong to second-generation human rights the legal basis for which comprises international instruments adoptedafter the Second World War (the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), the Convention for the Protection of Human Rightsand Fundamental Freedoms (1950), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966), the European SocialCharter (Revised) (1965–1996), the European Code of Social Security (1964), meaning 50 years after these rights were enshrined inpapal encyclicals.There is an indisputable fact that has still not been discussed in scientific research on social protection and according to whichthe social doctrine of the Catholic Church can be viewed as an inherent part of the process of occurrence, formation, and developmentof social protection, and it can be regarded as an ideological framework, a source of social rights and principles of social protection.Considering the above-mentioned findings, the social doctrine of the Catholic Church can be defined as the body of legislationadopted by the Holy See regarding the status and development of social and labour rights, their place in a person’s life and in publiclife. Papal encyclicals form the basis of that legislation and they are addressed to believers, bishops, and archbishops.


2000 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renate Dürr

“All, therefore, who consider themselves Christians may be absolutely certain that we are all equally priests.”1 With this declaration Martin Luther categorically repudiated the Catholic understanding of priesthood as a holy estate with indelible marks bestowed at consecration. According to the reformers all Christians, in principle, have the same authority in word and sacrament, but only those authorized by the respective community of believers may wield it. This assessment not only reflected certain irregularities within the clergy but also signified a completely new definition of the priesthood. It cannot be understood outside the context of existing contemporary criticism—not only from reformatory circles—of the state of numerous parishes who suffered under poorly educated, morally unacceptable (from a contemporary point of view) or indeed absent clergymen. The Catholic Church's answer to this challenge, therefore, had two aims: plans for far-reaching reforms were intended to renew the image of priests and, primarily, to provide effective pastoral care. Polemical theological debates against Protestants and discussions within the Catholic Church were intended not only to strengthen the certainty of the fundamental essence of priestly identity but also to facilitate a differentiation of Catholic from Protestant understanding. The decisions of the Council of Trent also touched both areas. At the 23rd session both the theological basis of the sacrament of consecration and the plans to reform the rules concerning the bishops' obligatory residence in their parishes were debated.2


2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giuseppe Giordan ◽  
Siniša ZrinŠČak

This article analyses the responses of the Catholic Church in Croatia and Italy to the refugee crisis, particularly the churches’ discourses on human rights issues and positions in public debates on refugees and migrants. Although both Catholic churches followed the Church’s teachings on ‘strangers’, associated with providing concrete help to people in need, the Catholic Church in Croatia pursued what can be classified as a charitable approach, while the Catholic Church in Italy followed solidarity and utilitarian approaches. Equally, the Catholic Church in Croatia remained a silent public actor in the refugee crisis, while the Catholic Church in Italy became a prominent actor in public debates, engaging with human rights discourses. The selective and ambivalent uses of human rights discourses emerged as a factor in understanding these two churches’ different positions on refugees and migrants.


Author(s):  
Nelson H. Minnich

During the 15th and 16th centuries, the Catholic Church celebrated more general councils than during any similar period in its history. The Council of Pisa I, 1409 attempted to end the Great Western Schism but instead succeeded in adding a third pope. To bolster his position, the Pisan pope called a council that met in Rome, 1412–1413. The Council of Konstanz, 1414–1418 healed the schism but introduced new issues by declaring the superiority of a council over all Christians and requiring the celebration of councils on a regular basis. In accord with that requirement, a council was held at Pavia-Siena, 1423–1424, with another later at Basel-Lausanne, 1431–1449. The pope tried to transfer the latter council to Ferrara (1437), but the majority of the fathers remained at Basel. The Council of Ferrara (1438–1439) moved to Florence (1439), where it issued decrees uniting the Eastern and Latin churches and condemning the council still being held at Basel. The papal council ended in Rome (1445). In their conflict with Julius II, some cardinals and rulers called a council that met at Pisa (1511) but then transferred to Milan, Asti, and Lyons (1511–1512). To combat that council, Julius II called his own council to meet in the Lateran Basilica in Rome (Lateran V, 1512–1517). These eight councils dealt with themes of church unity (healing schisms), ultimate authority (pope or council), doctrinal issues (the teachings of Wyclif, Hus, Falkenberg, Grabon, and Favaroni; Filioque, Eucharist, Purgatory; immortality of the soul, montes pietatis; etc.), Crusades (attempts to fend off the Turks), and reform (of morals, pastoral care, preaching, education of clergy, the privileges of religious orders, etc.). Scholars have debated the legitimacy of various councils and the origins, meaning, reception, and implementation of their decrees.


1990 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 67-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Carter

The Coup d'Etat that overthrew General Alfredo Stroessner on the second night of February 1989 signaled the beginning of a new era for Paraguayan politics and the close of another chapter of Latin American caudillismo. He was replaced by General Andrés Rodríguez, Paraguay's second most powerful figure, in what was, in effect, a “palace coup.” General Rodríguez startled the nation by issuing a proclamation that called for (a) democratization of Paraguay, (b) full respect for human rights, and (c) restoration of the badly damaged relations with the Catholic Church. The proclamation ushered in a series of events which amazed the populace even more: opposition leaders — once banned and exiled by the Stroessner regime — were embraced and greeted by longtime adversaries; dozens of prominent exiled figures returned to find an enthusiastic atmosphere; political prisoners were freed; while corruption and torture became the subject of national debate as people sought both to uncover, and to bury, the legacy of the Stroessner years.


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