Un-settling Scores: A Review of Michael H. Kater's Composers of the Nazi Era: Eight Portraits

2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 80-93
Author(s):  
Steven M. Whiting

After Different Drummers (1992) and The Twisted Muse (1997), MichaelH. Kater has presented Composers of the Nazi Era: Eight Portraits, as“the last in a trilogy on the interrelationship between sociopoliticalforces on the one side, and music and musicians in the Third Reich,on the other” (264). The author is Distinguished Research Professorof History at the Canadian Centre for German and European Studies(York University). The author of the present review, a musicologist,must express his gratitude to Professor Kater for helping tomake it professionally unacceptable to restrict oneself anymore to“the music itself” when considering certain composers active in Germanyof the 1930s. By the same token, Kater’s reticence about “themusic itself” (which presumably springs from humility) will leavemany a musicologist itching to adduce (if not consult) the scores toconfirm or to contest Kater’s points, for Kater is writing about lives,not works, unless the works have impinged on biographical issues.

2020 ◽  
pp. 91-116
Author(s):  
Michael Geheran

This chapter examines the changes to Jewish war veterans' legal status after the Nuremberg Laws in 1935 and the ways in which many of these men tried to retain their sense of Germanness in the face of intensifying state-sponsored terror and persecution. Although the Nazis succeeded in banning Jews from the civil service and most veterans' organizations, this did not mean that Jewish veterans were abruptly cast to the margins of German public life. Not all Germans shared Himmler's radical vision of a racially purified Volksgemeinschaft. This inconsistency in experience — persecution on the one hand, and limited solidarity with the German public on the other — obscured the gravity of the Nazi threat, leading many Jewish veterans to contemplate accommodation with the Third Reich.


Author(s):  
Eric Kurlander

This chapter examines the regime's policies toward occultists in the early to middle years of the Third Reich, including ‘Hitler's Magicians' Controversy’ — a debate over whether to allow professional anti-occultists to debunk ‘magic’ and occultism. When the regime worked to repress or ‘coordinate’ esoteric groups, it had more to do with controlling than eliminating occult ideas. Indeed, like border scientists generally, many Nazis worked carefully to distinguish between commercial and popular occultism on the one hand and ‘scientific’ occultism on the other. While the Nazis indicated considerable hostility toward commercial occultism, practitioners of the scientific variety enjoyed remarkable latitude, even sponsorship, by the Third Reich. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the ‘Hess Action’ against the occult and its longer term consequences.


2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 163-168
Author(s):  
Maria Zmierczak

REFLECTIONS ON SEBASTIAN FIKUS’S TRUDNY SPADEK DYSYDENTÓW III RZESZY W REPUBLICE FEDERALNEJ NIEMIEC DIFFICULT LEGACY OF THE THIRD REICH’S DISSIDENTS IN FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANYThe reviewed book contains a description of state policy towards the German opponents of Hitler’s regime after the fall of the Third Reich. The death sentences of military courts, Volksgericht and special war courts were treated as legal and the victims and their descendants were not vindicated until 2009. It means that they figured as criminals for more than 50 years. The author suggests that this was connected mainly with economic reasons and the need to restore the national economy. The commentary of the reviewer underlines the importance of other aspects: on the one hand, it was not easy to declare that the Federal Republic of Germany is a new state and to break the continuity of state, especially in the face of the existing German Democratic Republic. On the other hand, it is not easy to declare that the law was not legal, and to punish judges or officers who had acted according to the legal prescriptions; not to mention the old sentence lex retro non agit. 


Author(s):  
Simona Forti

This chapter compares two opposing ways of conceiving the idea of the “Soul of Europe”. Both of them trace the origin of the idea to Greek philosophy and especially Plato. On the one hand, it is the Platonism adopted by the so-called 'Nazi philosophical anthropology' that interprets the Germany of the Third Reich, its Idea of Rassenseel, as the moment in which not only the debt of German culture to Greek culture is paid but in which Germany will finally be able to demonstrate that it is the only true heir of ancient Greece and that for this reason it must conquer the whole of Europe. On the other hand, as an example of an opposite vision, it is the work of Jan Patocka who is convinced that German philosophy can 'today' represent the soul of Europe, but for whom both the notion of soul and that of Europe are constitutively open and infinite, connected to the concept of a debt that can never be settled.


Author(s):  
Lawrence A. Zeidman

Despite knowledge since the postwar period and the efforts of neurologist Leo Alexander, the neuroscience community has been slow to recognize its involvement in the racial hygiene policies of the Third Reich. Part of this has been denial, but part of it protective of past perpetrators. However, since the popularization of medicine in the Nazi era in the 1980s, the fall of the Berlin Wall making previously unavailable patient data in the 1990s, and some astute articles in the neurology literature, neuroscience in the Nazi era has emerged as a scientific topic. Pioneering works by Shevell and Peiffer highlighted the unethical involvement of even famed German neuroscientists such as Julius Hallervorden. In the 2000s a growing body of literature has begun to show common threads between the exile of persecuted neuroscientists and the rise of increasingly destructive policies toward neurologic patients, and the exploitation of these patients for scientific research.


1996 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 425-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roland Blaich

German Seventh-day Adventists entered the Nazi era with apprehension. As a foreign sect which resembled Judaism in many respects, Adventists were particularly threatened by a society based on the principle of völkisch racism. Yet the new state also had much to offer them, for it held the prospect of new opportunities for the church. The Nazi state banished the scourge of liberalism and godless Bolshevism, it restored conservative standards in the domestic sphere, and it took effective steps to return German society to a life in harmony with nature—a life Adventists had long championed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 336-356
Author(s):  
Peter Fritzsche

This chapter studies how the transformations which occurred in less than “one hundred days” in Germany evoked the original template for the one hundred days: Napoleon Bonaparte's return from Elba and the reestablishment of the empire until his abdication in the wake of Waterloo in 1815. Each of the hundred days—Napoleon's, Franklin D. Roosevelt's, and Adolf Hitler's—recharged history. The one hundred days consolidating the New Deal and the Nazi seizure of power gave new shape to the future in the extraordinary year of 1933. Ultimately, the great achievement of the Third Reich was getting Germans to see themselves as the Nazis did: as an imperiled people who had created for themselves a new lease on collective life. Not everyone agreed with the Nazis on every point, but most adjusted to National Socialism by interpreting it in their own way, adhering to old ideas by pursuing them in new forms. As a result, more and more Germans had accepted the Third Reich. This reassembly closed off any consideration of returning to the democratic governments of the Weimar Republic; it was neither recognized as a possibility nor desired.


Antiquity ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 76 (291) ◽  
pp. 209-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Maischberger

The history of the archaeological disciplines in Germany during the Nazi era can be considered as a locus classicus of nationalist interpretation and misuse of the past. For some time now, various efforts have been made to enhance our understanding of this period, including several aspects related to archaeology and cultural politics. Most studies have been carried on by modern historians, but also archaeologists have engaged in historiographical research on their own discipline. Some freqiiently cited works like Bollmus (1970) Kater (1974) and Losemann (1977) are still fundamental for our understanding of important aspects of Nazi cultural politics as well as the involvement of traditional institutions into the dictatorial system.


1960 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-63
Author(s):  
Earl R. Beck

Before he met death by his own hand in 1946, Colin Ross was one of Germany's most famous journalist-travelers. No less than fifteen books and a host of articles described his visits to countries from the Arctic to the Pacific and Haha Whenua to Africa, “ mit Kind und Kegel und Kamera ”—“ bag, baggage, and camera.” His greatest renown—or notoriety—dated from the Nazi era. Hitler himself said, “A man like Colin Ross, for example, gave me infinitely more precious information on the subject” of the Far East than all of the professional diplomats. Ross was, indeed, regarded with some exaggeration as “ one of Hitler's foremost geopoliticians,” and, probably with even greater exaggeration, as a paid spy for the Third Reich. When he visited South America in 1919-1920, however, it was suspicions of Bolshevist rather than Nazi inclinations which placed obstacles in the path of high ambitions.


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