scholarly journals Protest continuum in the Arab countries: Social movements, civil society, and citizenship El continuum contestatario en los países árabes movimientos sociales, sociedad civil y ciudadanía Le continuum contestataire dans les pays arabes: Mouvements sociaux, société civile et citoyenneté

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-66
Author(s):  
Isaías Barreñada Bajo

The popular demonstrations triggered by the so-called Arab Spring can be explained by a combination of the multiple reasons of political, social, cultural, and economic orders. But previous mobilizations become relevant as a precedent to the Arab Spring protests given their scope; in several countries in recent years, an unusual intensification of the protest was experienced. The massive character of the protests would not have been possible without the intervention of certain experienced actors that served as catalysts and facilitators of these dynamics. Regardless of their achievements and singularities, the 2011 demonstrations have to be regarded as part of a protest continuum, being the inheritors of previous resistance, and protest movements, as well as of preceding organizational experiences and constituting a turning point in collective action. This continuum goes on.Spanish Las movilizaciones populares que desencadenaron las llamadas “primaveras árabes“ se explican por la combinación de múltiples razones de orden político, social, cultural y económico. Pero las dimensiones adquiridas por las protestas ponen de relieve cómo éstas tenían antecedentes; en varios países en los últimos años se vivió una intensificacioacute;n inusitada de la contestación. El carácter masivo de las protestas no hubiera sido posible sin la intervención de determinados actores que contaban con experiencia y que lograron actuar como catalizadores y facilitadores de esta dinámica. Independientemente de sus logros y de sus singularidades nacionales, las manifestaciones del 2011 se inscribieron así en un continuum contestatario, siendo herederas de experiencias de resistencia, protesta y organización previas, y constituyeron un punto de inflexión en el proceso. Este continuum prosigue en las transiciones políticas en curso.French Les mobilisations populaires déclenchées par les dénommés “printemps arabes“ s'expliquent par la combinaison de multiples raisons d'ordre politique, social, culturel et économique. Mais les dimensions a eintes par les protestations me ent en relief leurs antécédents; dans plusieurs pays, durant ces dernières années, a eu lieu une intensification inusitée de la contestation. Le caractère massif des protestations n'aurait été a eint sans l'intervention de certains acteurs qui comptaient avec de l'expérience y qui purent jouer un rôle de catalyseurs et de facilitateurs de ce e dynamique. Indépendamment de leurs réussites et de leurs singularités nationales, les manifestations de 2011 se sont ainsi inscrites dans un continuum contestataire, étant héritières d'expériences de résistance, de protestation et d'organisations antérieures, et elles constituèrent un moment d'inflexion dans le processus. Ce continuum se prolonge dans les transitions politiques en cour.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Rainer Grote

Abstract Part of a special issue devoted to the role of parliaments in contemporary Arab politics, this article gives an oversight of the evolution of the constitutional rules governing the status and powers of Arab parliamentary assemblies following the “Arab spring” and during the early stages of the Covid-19 pandemic. Parliaments have traditionally played a marginal role in Arab constitutional theory and practice. Although the strengthening of the role and powers of parliaments and a rebalancing of the executive-legislative relations in favour of the latter featured prominently in the reform agendas emerging from the protest movements of the “Arab spring,” these movements proved unable to produce lasting change. The reforms have either been rolled back by oppressive governments or given way to a political pactice of renewed presidential dominance which diverges considerably from the initial aspirations of the reformers. The highly unfavourable conditions existing in most Arab countries – with internally divided democratic reform movements, entrenched military, and political elites determined to resist genuine democratic change with all means available and powerful external actors supporting the domestic status quo – are likely to ensure that parliaments will remain confined to a largely ornamental role in Arab politics in the foreseeable future.


Author(s):  
L. Fituni

The author presents his own original conception of the 2011 Arab upheavals. First, he tries to find parallels between the Arab Spring and the 19th century European Spring of Peoples. Second, he dwells on the idea of three types of transition in the Arab World: economic, demographic, and ideological. Third, he reflects on the issues of democracy and autocracy in the Arab countries emphasizing the role of youth. Fourth, he puts forward some new ideas as regards the relationship between Europe and the Arab World, offering such terms as “democratic internationalism” and “young democratic safety belt” in the Mediterranean region.


2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
James Bernauer, SJ

Is the tendency to think of heroism as the activity of an individual rather than of a collective merely a matter of prejudice?  Perhaps the European revolutions of 1989 and the Arab Spring of 2011 will foster more careful scrutiny of that assumption.  Are the heroic figures so often featured in journalistic as well as historical accounts only individuals who are witnesses to a communal transformation and empowerment?  Will a greater appreciation for heroic collective action promote a more nuanced perspective on the development of Jewish-Christian relations?  The author proposes a shift of focus to communal heroism through an examination of four examples: the Yad Vashem project of recognizing the "Righteous among the Nations"; the Hungarian Revolution; the historical development of religious toleration; and, finally, the place that the Holocaust has taken on in contemporary reflection.


Author(s):  
Moises Villamil Balestro ◽  
Marcelle Vaz

O artigo contribui para entender melhor a dinâmica dos atores transnacionais, articulada com os contextos nacionais, lançando olhar sobre as diferenças nos casos brasileiro e argentino. O trabalho se insere em um contexto maior de transformações do capitalismo na América Latina e seus processos econômicos que têm impacto nos processos sociais. A América Latina não representa uma realidade única, homogênea e monocromática. Com base no diálogo entre teorias da sociologia e da ciência política com a teoria organizacional, o artigo apresenta categorias analíticas que contribuem para entender a sustentabilidade da articulação transnacional. Três elementos chaves para essa reprodução social da ação coletiva foram a identidade das organizações nacionais, a coordenação entre elas e a retroalimentação do campo estratégico de ação. A sustentabilidade da ação coletiva é entendida a partir da dinâmica dos atores nacionais, as organizações da sociedade civil (OSCs) do Brasil e da Argentina dentro da articulação transnacional. O cenário atual de crise econômica e de crise democrática na região, com a intensificação do neoliberalismo e a erosão dos espaços de participação cidadã no MERCOSUL permitirão testar o grau de resiliência da ação coletiva transnacional nos próximos anos.Palavras-chave: Ação coletiva transnacional; sociedade civil organizada; América Latina; reprodução socialThe Transnational Collective Action and the Elements Contributing to its Sustainability: the case of MESAAbstractThe article contributes to a better understanding of the dynamics of transnational actors embedded in the national contexts. The article scrutinizes the differences between the cases of Brazil and Argentina. The transnational actors are part of a larger context of transformations of capitalism in Latin America. Latin America does not represent a single, homogeneous and monochromatic reality. Based on the dialogue between theories of sociology and political science with organizational theory, the article puts forward analytical categories that contribute to understanding the sustainability of the transnational articulation. Three key elements for this social reproduction of collective action were the identity of the national organizations, the coordination among them and the strategic field of action. The sustainability of collective action is understood from the dynamics of national actors, civil society organizations (CSOs) in Brazil and Argentina within the transnational articulation. The current scenario of economic crisis and democratic crisis in the region, with the deepening of neoliberalism and the erosion of the arenas for citizen participation in MERCOSUR will be able to test the degree of resilience of transnational collective action in the coming years.Keywords: transnational collective action; organised civil society; Latin America; social reproductionLa Acción Colectiva Transnacional y los Elementos que Contribuyen a su Sostenibilidad: el caso de la MESAResumen El artículo contribuye a un mejor entendimiento de la dinámica de los actores transnacionales integrados en los contextos nacionales. El trabajo analiza las diferencias entre los casos de Brasil y Argentina. Los actores transnacionales son parte de un contexto más amplio de transformaciones del capitalismo en América Latina. Los países de América Latina no representan una realidad única, homogénea y monocromática. Basado en el diálogo entre las teorías de la sociología y la ciencia política con la teoría de la organización, el artículo presenta categorías analíticas que contribuyen para entender la sostenibilidad de la articulación transnacional. Tres elementos clave para esta reproducción social de la acción colectiva fueron la identidad de las organizaciones nacionales, la coordinación entre ellas y el campo de acción estratégico. La sostenibilidad de la acción colectiva se entiende a partir de la dinámica de los actores nacionales, las organizaciones de la sociedad civil (OSC) en Brasil y Argentina dentro de la articulación transnacional. El escenario actual de crisis económica y crisis democrática en la región, con la profundización del neoliberalismo y la erosión de los espacios de participación ciudadana en el MERCOSUR, pondrá a prueba el grado de resiliencia de la acción colectiva transnacional en los próximos años.Palabras clave: acción colectiva transnacional; sociedad civil organizada; América Latina; reproducción social


Author(s):  
Derek Lutterbeck

Coup-proofing—that is, measures aimed at preventing military coups and ensuring military loyalty—has been a key feature of civil–military relations in Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) states. Just as the MENA region has been one of the most coup-prone regions in the world, coup-proofing has been an essential instrument of regime survival in Arab countries. The most commonly found coup-proofing strategies in the region include (a) so-called “communal coup-proofing,” involving the appointment of individuals to key positions within the military based on family, ethnic, or religious ties; (b) providing the military with corporate and/or private benefits in order to ensure its loyalty; (c) creating parallel military forces in addition to the regular military, so as to “counter-balance” the latter; (d) monitoring of the military through a vast internal security and intelligence apparatus; and (e) promoting professionalism, and thus political neutrality, within the military. The experiences of the “Arab Spring,” however, have shown that not all of these strategies are equally effective in ensuring military loyalty during times of popular upheavals and regime crises. A common finding in this context has been that communal coup-proofing (or militaries based on “patrimonialism”) creates the strongest bonds been the armed forces and their regimes, as evidenced by the forceful suppression of the popular uprising by the military in countries such as Syria, or by parts of the military in Libya and Yemen. By contrast, where coup-proofing has been based on the provision of material benefits to the military or on counterbalancing, as in Tunisia or Egypt, the armed forces have refrained from suppressing the popular uprising, ultimately leading to the downfall of these countries’ long-standing leaders. A further lesson that can be drawn from the Arab Spring in terms of coup-proofing is that students of both military coups and coup-proofing should dedicate (much) more attention to the increasingly important role played by the internal security apparatus in MENA countries.


2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-332 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jocelyn Clare R. Hermoso ◽  
Carmen Geanina Luca

English This article discusses civil society’s role in the process of local development undertaken by countries transitioning towards democracy, comparing and contrasting the experiences of the Philippines and Romania. The study illuminates the limits and possibilities offered by the democratization process in terms of how civil-society organizations can participate more meaningfully in local development and in establishing structures of democracy. French Cet article examine le rôle de la société civile dans le processus de développement local entrepris dans deux pays en transition vers la démocratie, les Philippines et la Roumanie. L'étude met en lumière les limites et les possibilités du processus de démocratisation quant à la participation des organisations civiles dans le développement et l'établissement de structures démocratiques. Spanish Se explora el papel de la sociedad civil en el desarrollo local llevado a cabo en países en transición hacia la democracia. Se compara la experiencia de Las Filipinas, Rumania. Se iluminan los límites y posibilidades ofrecidas por el proceso de democratización en ambos países en términos de cómo las organizaciones civiles pueden participar de una forma significativa en el desarrollo local y en el establecimiento de estructuras democráticas.


Author(s):  
Engin Sorhun

Although Turkey has historically concentrated its trade with the European Union (EU) it has diversified its trade markets with the neighbouring regions and different group of countries during the last decade. Among them, Arab countries have come into prominence. Especially, following the “zero problems with neighbours” policy (ZPN), pursued by Turkey since 2002, the trade volume with the Middle Eastern neighbours has increased faster than that with its traditional partners. Nevertheless so called “Arab Spring” has started to manifest its effects on this trend. It deteriorates not only the economies of the concerned countries but also Turkey’s trade expansion. This paper aims: (i) to test through a gravity model the positive impacts of the ZPN policy and the negative impact of the Arab Spring on the trade expansion with the Spring Countries; and (ii) to reveal the positive impact of the policy change and the negative impact of the uprising movements on the realization of trade potential by Turkey in the Spring Countries.


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