The Prosecutor’s Office and the Rule of Law during the Civil War (The end)

2021 ◽  
pp. 205
Author(s):  
Alexander G. Zvyagintsev

The article is devoted to the transformations of the Prosecutor’s Office during the Civil War of 1917 - 1922. The Prosecutor’s Office in the form in which it was under the tsarist regime and the Provisional Government actually ceased to exist. The article highlights the principles of work and the structure of the provisional authorities and management that replaced the Prosecutor's Office of the tsarist time.

1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (02) ◽  
pp. 365-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. Blair

AbstractWhat are the effects of international intervention on the rule of law after civil war? Rule of law requires not only that state authorities abide by legal limits on their power, but also that citizens rely on state laws and institutions to adjudicate disputes. Using an original survey and list experiment in Liberia, I show that exposure to the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) increased citizens’ reliance on state over nonstate authorities to resolve the most serious incidents of crime and violence, and increased nonstate authorities’ reliance on legal over illegal mechanisms of dispute resolution. I use multiple identification strategies to support a causal interpretation of these results, including an instrumental variables strategy that leverages plausibly exogenous variation in the distribution of UNMIL personnel induced by the killing of seven peacekeepers in neighboring Côte d'Ivoire. My results are still detectable two years later, even in communities that report no further exposure to peacekeepers. I also find that exposure to UNMIL did not mitigate and may in fact have exacerbated citizens’ perceptions of state corruption and bias in the short term, but that these apparently adverse effects dissipated over time. I conclude by discussing implications of these complex but overall beneficial effects.


2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 700-713
Author(s):  
Brad Epperly ◽  
Jacqueline Sievert

Many argue that during conflict, executive power expands at the expense of the judiciary and civil liberties. Although this is a common conjecture, no systematic study of conflict and judicial independence exists. We argue that conflict, rather than strictly inhibiting independence, is instead a critical juncture that increases the possibility of institutional change, either positive or negative. We assess this claim in three ways: cross-national analyses of (1) de facto and (2) de jure judicial independence after the onset of conflict, and (3) a case study of statutory and jurisdictional changes to the federal judiciary after the outbreak of the U.S. Civil War. Each illustrates that conflict onset is associated with a higher likelihood of changing levels—both decreases and increases—rather than unidirectional decreases in judicial independence. We then present preliminary hypotheses and analyses for three factors that, given conflict onset, should be associated with either improved or worsened conditions for the judiciary. This study has implications for research on conflict, courts, and the rule of law in both political science and legal studies.


2006 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-120
Author(s):  
Mihajlo Mihajlov ◽  

Apart from Mukovan Djilas, Mihajlo Mihajlov is considered as the most famous dissident in the Balkans--a former prisoner-of-conscience in Tito's Yugoslavia. This brief but comprehensive, autobiographical retrospective recounts some major hilights in Mihajlov's odyssey ushered in by his intellectual travelogue, Moscow Sunmer 1964, first published in full in The New Leader. Mihajlov became an embarrassment not only to Josip Broz Tito and the Soviet leaders, but also to those in die West who landed Tito's "independent path to socialism." Yet others correctly perceived Mihajlov's quest for freedom of thought, speech, press, association, religious, philosophical and political persuasion as a classic benchmark of basic human rights and freedoms characterizing open, pluralistic, democratic polities. Indeed, the Westem press contributed to the pressure of world public opinion, which helped free Mihajlov, and, as he claims, even kept him alive. In a region divided by inter-ethnic conflict and civil war, Mihajlov's struggle for the rule of law and human dignity epitomizes hopes for a better future.


Author(s):  
Edward J. Watts

Both conservatives in the senate and populist reformers learned how to use violence as a political tool in the years after Tiberius Gracchus’s murder. Populists allied with figures like Marius made increasingly effective use of mobs to sway elections. The senate used the senatus consultum ultimum to deprive citizens of their rights. Sulla’s use of his army to seize power over Rome and dictate the terms of his restoration of the Republic represented a natural evolution of this process. By the late 50s BC, it had again become clear that Republican political norms had deteriorated to such a degree that prominent citizens could not trust that their rights would be protected. In Cicero’s formulation, Rome had become a Republic of violence. This violent climate prompted Julius Caesar’s march on Rome, but it took Augustus’s victory in the civil war with Antony to fully restore peace and the rule of law.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-24
Author(s):  
D. R. Zaynutdinov

The article discusses the legal views of the «white» lawyers – P. G. Vinogradov and V. A. Maklakova. The focus is on their commitment to the ideals of the English legal model. In the process of research, the author studied some of the theoretical and legal ideas of P. G. Vinogradov and V. A. Maklakova, in which they justified the need to introduce certain elements and institutions of the English legal model into the Russian legal system: the rule of law, strengthening the role of the judiciary, and others. The author also considers the legal-theoretical and political activities of P. G. Vinogradov and V. A. Maklakova during the Civil War in Russia. The relevance and novelty of this work is related to the lack of research in Russian legal science devoted to the analysis of legal opinions of «white» lawyers. The author uses the method of legal hermeneutics, with the help of which the interpretation of the legal views of P. G. Vinogradov and V. A. Maklakova. In conclusion, the work reveals the goal pursued by «white» lawyers, speaking about the need to borrow elements and institutions of the English legal model.


2005 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Mattie

Locke's Second Treatise of Government argues for the rule of law as just and rightful politics, not only in the fundamental legislation that is the constitution but also in regular governance by the legislature. Locke also argues for executive prerogative, the power of doing good without or even against law during contingency and necessity. Rule by legislation and rule by prerogative each preserve the political community and reflect its foundation out of the state of nature. But they do not easily coexist in the constitution, which provides no means to judge the rightful use of prerogative. President Lincoln's strong, discretionary actions during the crisis of the Civil War illustrate Locke's argument about prerogative's fundamental importance and its problematic relation to ordinary lawfulness. However, as Lincoln recognized, both the Constitution and Congress formally provided for an executive power that was remarkably compatible with the rule of law—and that thereby responded to the Lockean problem.


2021 ◽  
pp. 148
Author(s):  
Alexander G. Zvyagintsev

The article is devoted to the transformations of the Prosecutor’s Office during the Civil War of 1917 - 1922. The Prosecutor’s Office in the form in which it was under the tsarist regime and the Provisional Government actually ceased to exist. The article highlights the principles of work and the structure of the provisional authorities and management that replaced the Prosecutor's Office of the tsarist time


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