Cicero and Milo

1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.

2005 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Mattie

Locke's Second Treatise of Government argues for the rule of law as just and rightful politics, not only in the fundamental legislation that is the constitution but also in regular governance by the legislature. Locke also argues for executive prerogative, the power of doing good without or even against law during contingency and necessity. Rule by legislation and rule by prerogative each preserve the political community and reflect its foundation out of the state of nature. But they do not easily coexist in the constitution, which provides no means to judge the rightful use of prerogative. President Lincoln's strong, discretionary actions during the crisis of the Civil War illustrate Locke's argument about prerogative's fundamental importance and its problematic relation to ordinary lawfulness. However, as Lincoln recognized, both the Constitution and Congress formally provided for an executive power that was remarkably compatible with the rule of law—and that thereby responded to the Lockean problem.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 293-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larry Diamond

Violence and Social Orders: A Conceptual Framework for Interpreting Recorded Human History (Cambridge 2009) offers a theory of the evolution of the modern state and an even more ambitious framework “for interpreting recorded human history.” The book raises fundamental questions about the political structuring of violence, the functions of the rule of law, and the establishment and maintenance of political order. In doing so, it speaks to a range of political scientists from a variety of methodological and subfield perspectives. We have thus invited four prominent political science scholars of violence and politics to comment on the book: Jack Snyder, Caroline Hartzell, Jean Bethke Elshtain, and Larry Diamond.


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zoll

The changes brought about in Poland and elsewhere in Europe by the fall of Communism have given rise to hopes for the establishment of a political system differing from the one which had been the fate of these countries. In place of totalitarianism, a new political system is to be created based on the democratic principles of a state under the rule of law. The transformation from totalitarianism to democracy is a process which has not yet been completed in Poland and still requires many efforts to be made before this goal may be achieved. One may also enumerate various pitfalls jeopardising this process even now. The dangers cannot be avoided if their sources and nature are not identified. Attempts to pervert the law and the political system may only be counteracted by legal means if the system based on the abuse of the law has not yet succeeded in establishing itself. Resistance by means of the law only has any real chance of success provided it is directed against attempts to set up a totalitarian system. Once the powers which are hostile to the state bound by the rule of law take over the institutions of the state, such resistance is doomed to failure.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 287-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Snyder

Violence and Social Orders: A Conceptual Framework for Interpreting Recorded Human History (Cambridge 2009) offers a theory of the evolution of the modern state and an even more ambitious framework “for interpreting recorded human history.” The book raises fundamental questions about the political structuring of violence, the functions of the rule of law, and the establishment and maintenance of political order. In doing so, it speaks to a range of political scientists from a variety of methodological and subfield perspectives. We have thus invited four prominent political science scholars of violence and politics to comment on the book: Jack Snyder, Caroline Hartzell, Jean Bethke Elshtain, and Larry Diamond.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1 (3)) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Beata Kozicka ◽  
Ewa Pierzchała

Opus iustitiae PAX – the properly shaped dimension of justice is a guarantee of peaceful – not based on a conflict and violence – relations between citizens and the state. These words fully reflect the leading thought of this study. It is the concern for a good law and a state governed by the rule of law, which lies at the foundation of actions taken within the scope of legal means by the Prosecutor’s Office that – as the “custodian of law” – is entitled to in the sphere of control over administration. Administrative courts execute justice as a separate part of judicial power. Justice and law are conditions for an effective state, good governance and social peace, which have accompanied us for centuries. Administrative courts uphold the principle of equality before the law, which is regulated by Art. 21, par. 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. Since it is administrative courts which – by performing tasks of control over the activity of public administration – become the guarantee of realization of the above-mentioned principle, their position and range of cognition in the situation of launching administrative-court proceedings by the Prosecutor were presented in the work.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 144-157
Author(s):  
Miftahul Ulum

Mahfud MD states that the Pancasila State is a constitutional state and is final, even in terms of religious/fiqh law can be declared valid and correct. The results of the ijtihad of the ulama of ushul fiqh also mentioned that the choice of national law based on the Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia was the right choice and was recognized syara'. Indonesia's legal state also accepts the spiritual value of religious law. Written law and all procedural provisions (rechtsstaaf) are accepted but must be put in order to uphold justice (the rule of law). Written provisions that prevent justice can be abandoned. This is confirmed in the provisions of Article 24 paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution which states that the function of the judicial authority is to enforce law and justice, and Article 28D paragraph (1) concerning the right to obtain legal certainty and Article 28H that the law must be built on the basis of justice benefits. Jurisprudence law with national law has the same substance in maintaining and encouraging the development of a legal system based on social justice and public benefit (al-manfa'ah al-ammah) as has also been voiced and championed by the founders of the state when they are compiling the state ideology, namely Pancasila. Those who are predominantly Muslim have an open attitude to respect and accommodate the interests of other faith groups and religions. Abdurrahman Wahid also emphasized that the founders of the nation (such as Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, Abdul Wahid Hasyim, Kahar Mudzakkar, Agus Salim, and Ahmad Subardjo) who were experts in the field of Jurisprudence had absorbed and adopted the principles and objectives of fiqh law that had a value of justice, benefit, humanity and shura in the Pancasila state system.


PRANATA HUKUM ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-52
Author(s):  
Tubagus Muhammad Nasarudin

The rule of law in the perspective of Pancasila which can be termed the law state of Indonesia or the rule of law state of Pancasila besides having the same elements as the rule of law in the rechtstaat and rule of law, also has specific elements that make the Indonesian law state different from the concept of the state generally known law. The difference locates in the values contained in the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution which contain Pancasila with the principles of the Belief in the one and only God and the absence of separation between the state and religion, the principle of deliberation in the implementation of state government power, the principle of social justice, kinship and mutual cooperation, as well as laws that serve the integrity of the unitary state of Indonesia. The Pancasila Law State concept is characterized by: (1) Close relations between religion and state (2) Stand on the one and only God (3) Freedom of religion in a positive sense (4) Atheism is not justified and communism is forbidden and (5) The principle of kinship and harmony. As for the main elements of the Republic of Indonesia Law State are: (1) Pancasila (2) MPR (3) Constitutional system (4) equality and (5) Free trial.


Author(s):  
Edward J. Watts

Both conservatives in the senate and populist reformers learned how to use violence as a political tool in the years after Tiberius Gracchus’s murder. Populists allied with figures like Marius made increasingly effective use of mobs to sway elections. The senate used the senatus consultum ultimum to deprive citizens of their rights. Sulla’s use of his army to seize power over Rome and dictate the terms of his restoration of the Republic represented a natural evolution of this process. By the late 50s BC, it had again become clear that Republican political norms had deteriorated to such a degree that prominent citizens could not trust that their rights would be protected. In Cicero’s formulation, Rome had become a Republic of violence. This violent climate prompted Julius Caesar’s march on Rome, but it took Augustus’s victory in the civil war with Antony to fully restore peace and the rule of law.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 15-29
Author(s):  
Aswasthama Bhakta Kharel

 Democracy allows the expression of political preferences of citizens in a state. It advocates the rule of law, constraints on executive’s power, and guarantees the provision of civil liberties. It also manages to ensure human rights and fundamental freedoms of people. In democracy, people are supposed to exercise their freely expressed will. Ordinary people hold the political power of the state and rule directly or through elected representatives inside a democratic form of government. Democracy is a participatory and liberal way of governing a country. Different countries in the world have been practicing various models of democracy. There remains the participation of people in government and policy-making of the state under democracy. But when the majority can pull the strings of the society without there being legislation for protecting the rights of the minority, it may create a severe risk of oppression. Many countries of the world at the present time are facing democratic deficits. In several countries, the democratic practices are not adequately regulated and governed, as a result, the rise of violations of rules of law is observed. Even a few countries practicing democracy are not living peacefully. This situation has put a significant question about the need and sustainability of democracy. Democracy is a widely used system of governance beyond having several challenges. Here the concept, origin, models, dimensions, practices, challenges, solutions, and future of democracy are dealt to understand the structure of ideal democracy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-191
Author(s):  
Wojciech Sokół

The aim of the study is to compare selected elements of the political systems of the Republic of Poland and Ukraine in both structural and functional terms. The subject of the study is the genesis and direction of systemic changes, the specifi city of governmental systems, mechanisms of political rivalry and its main actors, i.e. political parties. The analysis shows that systemic solutions in Poland were characterised by greater stability, attachment to the principles of the rule of law and democratic values. In the political system of Ukraine there was quite a large dynamic of change in this area. These changes were instrumental to a greater degree than in Poland and subordinated to preferences that were dominant in particular periods.


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