scholarly journals Deconstructing Indian Media Strategy to Demonize Kashmir Movement

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 46-57
Author(s):  
Sheikh Gh. Waleed Rasool ◽  
◽  
Saadia Pasha
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Media Ethics ◽  
Real Situation ◽  
Jammu And Kashmir ◽  
Human Rights Organizations ◽  
State Terrorism ◽  
Media Hype ◽  
Resistance Movement

The study critically examines Indian approach to use media as a key tool to demonize mass resistance movement in Jammu and Kashmir. Referring to different phases of the movement in Kashmir – 1947, 1965, 1971, 1987, 2000 and 2010 – it argues that India has employed media as a tool to portray Kashmir movement as an instigated one and those who run and support it are mere miscreants and violence mongers. While dubbing the uprising in Kashmir as terrorism, Indian media went overboard to justify massive killings and violations of human rights by the armed forces under the guise of different laws and, to a great extent, succeeded in hoodwinking the attention of international community and human rights organizations from the real situation on the ground. The findings of this study captured six frames of self-determination movement in electical dialecticism theoretical prism. The study sets the course of the line for investigators to study media effects. Keywords: Media in occupation, Peace and state terrorism, Elite media, Media ethics, Dispute, Resolution, Media hype, Democracy, Plebiscite.

State Terrorism, Clandestine Language: Notes on the Argentine Military Dictatorship

PMLA ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 124 (5) ◽  
pp. 1794-1799
Author(s):  
Mirta Alejandra Antonelli
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
State Policies ◽  
Traumatic Memory ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Human Rights Organizations ◽  
Successive State ◽  
State Terrorism ◽  
Governmental Intervention ◽  
Historical Truth

Today the argentine judiciary dispenses ritual punishment as it condemns the oppressors of the last military dictatorship (1976–83) in the name of historical truth. Human rights organizations and movements have contributed immeasurably to this end. More than two decades have passed since the historic military-juntas trial (1985), and over the years successive state policies have proved that traumatic memory is a contested site, subject in this postdictatorial democracy to both debate and governmental intervention.

Disengagement from the Gaza Strip and Post-Occupation Duties

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 528-563 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Rubin
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Human Rights Organizations ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Israeli Occupation

Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip has created a situation in which this territory is dependent on the supply of various necessities by Israel, in particular the supply of electricity, In 2008 Israel decided to withhold 5% of the supply of electricity to the Gaza Strip, prompting several Gaza residents as well as human rights organizations to petition the Supreme Court of Israel against this decision. In Jaber Al-Bassiouni Ahmed v. The Prime Minister the Court assumed that the Israeli occupation of the Gaza Strip had ended with the disengagement and treated this issue on the basis of general humanitarian law. The basic questions of whether the occupation had ended, and whether certain duties remained with Israel, even assuming that Gaza is no longer occupied, have not been explored. This Article addresses these two questions.It is the conclusion of this Article that regardless of the terms imposed by Israel after disengagement and other reservations that have been raised in this regard, occupation ended following the complete withdrawal of any Israeli presence in the Gaza Strip. Israel's disengagement raised difficulties that are not only unique to the Gaza Strip; these difficulties emerge in most cases when occupation is replaced by a process of self-determination rather than the return of the former sovereign. The contention presented herein is that Israel continues to have certain post-occupation duties even after the occupation of Gaza. These duties correspond to the occupant's duties to care for order and civil life in the territory during the occupation. These obligations will end once the new regime in the area is able to perform the duties that fell upon the shoulders of the occupant during the occupation, or until the non-performance of the new regime is attributable to its own failures and not to the ending of the occupation. In light of these contentions, Israel is still under certain obligations regarding the Gaza Strip, among them the regular supply of electricity to that area.

The Pinochet Cases in the United Kingdom

1999 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 91-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Warbrick ◽  
Elena Martin Salgado ◽  
Nicholas Goodwin
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
International Regime ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
The United Kingdom

The activities of the regime of General, then President, Pinochet after his military coup in Chile in September 1973 are politically, legally and, one might almost say, popularly, one of the landmarks in the development of the international regime of human rights. Pinochet, then Commander of the Armed Forces, led a coup against President Allende, which resulted in a Military Junta seizing power on 11 September 1973. Pinochet became President of Chile in 1974 and remained in that position until 11 March 1990, when democracy was restored. He continued on as Commander of the Armed Forces until March 1998, when he was made Senator for Life.The legal significance of the reaction to events following the coup lies in the response of the United Nations to the excesses of the Pinochet government. The condemnation of Chile by the General Assembly for its policy of gross violations of human rights was the first occasion on which the Assembly had taken this step without invoking either a threat to the peace or a consideration of self-determination.

Collective Memory and the Language of Human Rights

2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 73-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Sutton
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
Human Rights Organizations ◽  
Political Events ◽  
State Terrorism ◽  
Political Spectrum

The democratization that followed the last military dictatorship in Argentina (1976–1983) has been influenced by human rights organizations’ relentless work to bring about truth and justice regarding the consequences of state terrorism and to keep the memory of that period alive. These efforts frame the discursive context in which human rights violations, including torture, are interpreted in contemporary Argentina. Argentine interviewees from across the political spectrum condemn torture, but the language and frames they use and the narratives surrounding political events vary. These accounts expose the conflicted terrain of memory making and the ambivalences and contradictions that permeate the construction of a torture-rejecting culture. La democratización que vino después de la última dictadura militar en la Argentina (1976–1983) ha sido influenciada por el trabajo incesante de las organizaciones de derechos humanos para lograr que se establezca la verdad y se haga justicia sobre las consecuencias del terrorismo de estado y para mantener la memoria sobre ese periodo viva. Estos esfuerzos enmarcan el contexto discursivo a través del cual las violaciones de los derechos humanos, entre ellas la tortura, son interpretadas en la Argentina contemporánea. Las personas entrevistadas en Argentina, quienes atraviesan el espectro político, condenan la tortura. Sin embargo, el lenguaje y los esquemas que usan y las narrativas sobre los acontecimientos políticos varían. Estos relatos exponen el terreno conflictivo de la construcción de la memoria y las ambivalencias y contradicciones que permean la construcción de una cultura de rechazo hacia la tortura.

Self-Esteem, Human Rights Sensitivity and Perceptions of Patients' Rights among Cadets in Korea Armed Forces Nursing Academy

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Ji-Young Kim ◽  
Chae-un Lee ◽  
Hye-Jin Lee ◽  
Da-Ye Hwang ◽  
Myungsuk Kang
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Self Esteem ◽  
Patients Rights

Self-Determination Through Autonomy or Independence? – On the Current and Future Position of New Caledonia

ICL Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-105
Author(s):  
Markku Suksi
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
New Caledonia ◽  
Legal Order ◽  
The Self ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Normative Framework ◽  
European Court ◽  
Determination Process ◽  
The Right

Abstract New Caledonia is a colonial territory of France. Since the adoption of the Nouméa Accord in 1998, a period of transition towards the exercise of self-determination has been going on. New Caledonia is currently a strong autonomy, well entrenched in the legal order of France from 1999 on. The legislative powers have been distributed between the Congress of New Caledonia and the Parliament of France on the basis of a double enumeration of legislative powers, an arrangement that has given New Caledonia control over many material fields of self-determination. At the same time as this autonomy has been well embedded in the constitutional fabric of France. The Nouméa Accord was constitutionalized in the provisions of the Constitution of France and also in an Institutional Act. This normative framework created a multi-layered electorate that has presented several challenges to the autonomy arrangement and the procedure of self-determination, but the European Court of Human Rights and the UN Human Rights Committee have resolved the issues regarding the right to vote in manners that take into account the local circumstances and the fact that the aim of the legislation is to facilitate the self-determination of the colonized people, the indigenous Kanak people. The self-determination process consists potentially of a series of referendums, the first of which was held in 2018 and the second one in 2020. In both referendums, those entitled to vote returned a No-vote to the question of ‘Do you want New Caledonia to attain full sovereignty and become independent?’ A third referendum is to be expected before October 2022, and if that one also results in a no to independence, a further process of negotiations starts, with the potential of a fourth referendum that will decide the mode of self-determination New Caledonia will opt for, independence or autonomy.

Disciplinary Uniformity in Uniform—A Success of the Human Rights Act 1998?

2008 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Gale
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
World War ◽  
The Public ◽  
The First World War ◽  
History Of ◽  
Human Rights Act ◽  
Human Rights Act 1998 ◽  
Military Discipline ◽  
First World

Apart from an awareness of shameful treatment to some shell-shocked soldiers on active duty in the First World War, the subjects of military discipline in general and courts-martial in particular are unlikely to permeate the consciousness of the public at large or, indeed, the vast majority of criminal lawyers. This article explores some of the history of both, the current position in relation to courts-martial and the planned reforms under the Armed Forces Act 2006. That the Human Rights Act 1998 exposed some of the anomalities and worst practices of courts-martial is undeniable. It seems equally likely that the 1998 Act was at least a catalyst for the wholesale review and modernisation of military discipline carried out by the 2006 Act.

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