scholarly journals THE POSITION OF WOMAN’S POLITICAL RIGHTS IN ISLAM AND THE INDONESIAN CONSTITUTION

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Dewi Dahlan

Women's political rights are often debated. Often deprived of women's rights. This is because women are often only involved in domestic or domestic matters. Basically, women's rights are the same as men's rights, including citizenship rights, education rights, opinion rights, and other rights. In connection with the position of women in obtaining political rights in the Islamic system and concept, it has been widely expressed. Some argue that Islam does not recognize political rights for women. There are those who view the same thing, there are also those who argue that Islam establishes and recognizes political rights for women except for being leaders of the state. This paper tries to describe the political rights of women in Islam and also explores the constitution of the Indonesian state. The method used is to conduct research on several literatures on politics in general regarding women's political rights and then compare them with one another.

Author(s):  
RANDRINRIJAONA MAEVA

The exclusion of women is at the heart of the modern political order, despite the gradual recognition of formal equality between men and women in the exercise of political rights. The evolution of the political culture has nevertheless allowed the gradual access of women to power. Yet in the case of Madagascar, gender consideration is not limited to the integration of women in power, but several challenges lie ahead for the country in terms of women's rights. Women parliamentarians through their roles can advocate for women's rights. But the question is how these women parliamentarians advocate for women’s development rights do?Women's development requires respect for their rights, and women parliamentarians, when designing and passing laws, have the opportunity to fight for women's rights, which generally boil down to the right to health, safety and work. The aim is therefore to highlight the capacity of women parliamentarians to establish a rule of law that allows women to develop. Women's participation in the proposals and discussions of laws can play an equal part in promoting women's rights and women's development.


sjesr ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 34-41
Author(s):  
Muhammad Aqeel Khan ◽  
Muhammad Zubair

The critically discusses the women’s rights in Pakistan. For this purpose, it explores the Patriarchal nature of the society and the historical background of women’s rights in Pakistan. Before it does so, the paper also throws light on the status of women in Islam and enumerates the important rights the woman holds in Islamic law because of Islam’s great influence in the state of Pakistan.


2020 ◽  
pp. 273-304
Author(s):  
Mohsen Kadivar

This chapter critically analyses the challenges of traditional Islam in addressing the notion of human rights as it relates to women’s issues, and provides a solution using Quranic teachings. It starts with requirement of justice in women’s rights, and continues with the evolution of the approach of human reason in the arena of women’s rights and factors in the development of women’s rights. The chapter compares two different perspectives on women in Islamic texts: one view is more Qur’anic: woman is a different kind of human but she stands alongside man. No inferior characteristics are seen in this first view. The second view is more a view from the standpoint of fiqh. This viewpoint paints an inferior, a second-class person, vulnerable and needy picture of women who need the protection of men. The chapter addresses some of these rulings that consider women as an inferior creature, in three brief sections: Women’s Civil Rights, Women’s Criminal Law, and Women’s Political Rights. The chapter ends with the discussion of conditions for permanent Shari‘a rulings. Immoral, unjust, unreasonable or less functional rulings related to women in Islam cannot be accepted as a shari‘a ruling or an Islamic teaching.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-36
Author(s):  
Holly J. McCammon ◽  
Cathryn Beeson-Lynch

Drawing on social-movement and sociolegal theorizing, we investigate legal-framing innovations in the briefs of reproductive-rights cause lawyers in prominent US Supreme Court abortion cases. Our results show that pro-choice activist attorneys engage in innovative women’s-rights framing when the political-legal context is more resistant to abortion rights for women, that is, when the political-legal opportunity structure is generally closed to reproductive-rights activism. We consider reproductive-rights framing in three types of pivotal abortion cases over the last half-century: challenges to limitations on public funding of abortion, challenges to regulations that include multiple restrictions on abortion access, and challenges to bans on second-trimester abortions. Our analysis proceeds both qualitatively and quantitatively, with close reading of the briefs to distill the main women’s-rights frames, a count analysis using text mining to examine use of the frames in the briefs, and assessment of the political-judicial context to discern its influence on cause-lawyer legal framing. We conclude by theorizing the importance of the broader political-legal context in understanding cause-lawyer legal-framing innovations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 260-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen M. Kinsella ◽  
Laura Sjoberg

AbstractIn this article, we focus on the subset of evolutionary theorising self-identified as Feminist Evolutionary Analytic (FEA) within security studies and International Relations. We offer this accounting in four sections. First, we provide a brief overview of the argument that reproductive interests are the ‘origins’ of international violence. Second, we break down the definitions of gender, sex, and sexuality used in evolutionary work in security studies generally and in FEA specifically, demonstrating a lack of complexity in FEA’s accounts of the potential relations among the three and critiquing their essentialist heteronormative assumptions. Third, we argue that FEA’s failure to reflect on the history and context of evolutionary theorising, much less contemporary feminist critiques, facilitates its forwarding of the state and institutions as primarily neutral and corrective bulwarks against male violence. Fourth, we conclude by outlining what is at stake if we fail to correct for this direction in feminist, IR, and security research. We argue that FEA work misrepresents and narrows the potential for understanding and responding to violence, facilitating the continued instrumentalisation of women’s rights, increased government regulation of sexuality, and a more expansive form of militarism.


Author(s):  
Marguba Makhsudovna Nosirova ◽  

This article deals with the situation with violations of women's rights and freedoms in the world in recent years and the increase in violence against them during the COVID-19 pandemic, measures taken in our country on gender policy, a number of presidential decrees. The large-scale work on increasing the participation of women in society and the state, based on the tasks set out in the state programs and responded also was analyzed.


Author(s):  
Rachel Kranson

This essay traces the Women’s League for Conservative Judaism’s engagement in the issue of reproductive rights during the 1970s and early 1980s. Members of the Women’s League first championed legal abortion in 1970, defending their position through expressly feminist arguments supporting women’s reproductive autonomy. While they never backed down from their endorsement of legal abortion, the political shifts of the late 1970s and early 1980s compelled them to develop a new language through which to discuss the issue. Reframing access to abortion as a matter of religious freedom offered Women’s League members a way to articulate their support for the procedure without publicly endorsing the principle of women’s reproductive autonomy, an idea that had become increasingly controversial over the course of the 1970s. As much of the American public began to view a particularly right-wing, Christian opposition to abortion as a universal religious principle, the leaders of the Women’s League struggled to show that their backing of legal abortion did not conflict with their religious commitments. Framing access to abortion as a religious right enabled them to present their stance on abortion as a component of their spiritual worldview rather than as a capitulation to secular, feminist ideals.


Women Rising ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 354-362
Author(s):  
Layla Saleh

Giving a personal voice to the role of women in the Syrian revolution, Layla Saleh places the account of one Syrian woman, Um Ibrahim, exiled in the second year of the uprising, in the larger context of women’s participation in the revolutionary popular mobilization, after the Assad regime’s “women’s rights” proved unsatisfactory and insufficient. The narrative culminates in Um Ibrahim’s own participation in the protests in Damascus before the full-fledged war took hold. Um Ibrahim recounts how women took on a central role in the Syrian revolution, hiding protesters, cooking, delivering food and weapons, and serving in the political and armed opposition. However, they have been victimized by the war, their activist role has been diminished, and their security and physical well-being have become precarious as the country is bloodily entrenched in civil and proxy warfare.


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