scholarly journals INTERPARTIAL BOAT CONTINUATION- THE NOSLOVAN CITY HOUSE AT THE END OCTOBER 1917

2020 ◽  
pp. 122-130
Author(s):  
B. Яценко

In article interparty opposition in the Ekaterinoslav City Council concerning events 24 - on October, 25th, 1917 in Petrograd is considered and analyzed. In Ekaterinoslav, as well as on all country, overthrow of Provisional government and coming to power of Bolsheviks in Petrograd has caused an acute reaction of party-political forces of a city. The City Council became one of places of their opposition. Collision in its walls of different party-political forces on this question was inevitable. The selected works on August, 13th, 1917 city self-management of Ekaterinoslav have been generated mainly under party lists and was most completely displayed party-political sympathies of electorate of the provincial centre. By this criterion members of the City Council approximately have been half presented by moderate socialist parties, on the one fifth Bolsheviks and on one third conservative figures. In this situation party-political forces a City Council position in an estimation of events 24 - on October, 25th, 1917 in Petrograd it was predicted, as have confirmed sessions on October, 26th and 27.Attracts attention the first day of session of the City Council, devoted basically to the informing on occurring events. It is indicative that from 12 Bolsheviks present at this session (it is more than half of all fraction) nobody has acted. We weed fights on this point in question there was a session on October, 27th. As one would expect, only the lecturer from Bolsheviks has completely supported and has approved events in Petrograd, moderate socialists, cadets, the Jewish fraction have opposed, condemning actions of Bolsheviks, calling for Constituent assembly protection, creation of the homogeneous socialist government and a unification of forces of revolutionary democracy. From the offered resolutions, which have been taken out on voting, the majority was received by the resolution of Mensheviks and Socialists-revolutionaries. The analysis of interparty opposition in the Ekaterinoslav City Council in the end of October, 1917 at regional level of the large provincial industrial centre confirms the basic laws and tendencies which were showed in development of revolutionary process in Russia in the autumn of 1917, in a sharp aggravation of a general-political situation in the country.

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sally Carlton

The Christchurch City Council election of 2013 provides a compelling case study through which to consider the interaction between politics and city space. On the one hand, through the careful placement of campaign posters, politics encroached on the physical terrain of the city. On the other hand, candidates included in their campaign material multitudinous references to ‘Christchurch the city,’ demonstrating the extent to which the physical environment of the post-disaster city had become central to local politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marina Pera ◽  
Iolanda Bianchi

This article deploys the Foucauldian concept of governmentality to study the political tensions that may unfold when commons are enacted through hybrid institutional configurations. We focus on civic management facilities (CMFs) that are located in the city of Barcelona. These are facilities owned by Barcelona City Council which, responding to organised citizens’ demands, are transferred to them so that they can develop their own transformative projects for the community. The hybrid institutional nature of these CMFs makes it impossible for them to avoid maintaining a relationship with the local state. Based on a survey to 51 CMFs, semi‐structured interviews with 41 grassroots members of CMFs and seven semi‐structured interviews with public employees and politicians, we argue that hybrid forms of commons lead to the development of political tensions. On the one hand, we show how the local state’s administrative procedures—to do with accountability and the use of public space—reshape the activities of the CMFs, leading to the depoliticisation of their transformative projects. On the other hand, the analysis also presents the strategies of resistance articulated by the facilities, which enable members to work towards the development of their transformative aims. We conclude that such political tensions cannot be resolved but must be properly governed in order to make the commons’ transformative project an enduring one.


Author(s):  
Margit Kern

ABSTRACTUp until now, researchers have strictly made connections between the program of images on the 1573 balcony of the Wittenberg town hall and the office of those who wield authority. And in fact this interpretation is documented by the German inscriptions on the front of the structure. However, another dimension of the program has not been taken into account: The Latin distichs pertaining to the figures of the virtues relate not to the city councilors and political transactions; rather, they characterize the role of virtue and good works in the life of the Protestant Christian in general. It is particularly emphasized that Christ and not good works effect redemption. In contrast to the goal of the German inscriptions, the Latin distichs provide no guide to carrying on daily business. Instead, they paraphrase the Lutheran doctrine of justification. With this pointed reference to Lutheran theology, the commissioners of the program distanced themselves, on the one hand, from the Catholic church; on the other, they rejected contested theological positions within Protestantism, such as the theses of Johann Georg Major. The coat of arms of the territorial ruler and the personifications, Peace and Religion, give evidence that the Wittenberg city council wished to display prominently its agreement with the strict Lutheran position of the prince, Albertine Elector August.


2014 ◽  
Vol 59 (S22) ◽  
pp. 133-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael D. Pante

AbstractThis article tells the hitherto unknown history of the rickshaw in the Philippines. The Filipinos’ encounter with this transport mode was brief and largely revolved around a failed rickshaw business in Manila in 1902. The venture quickly fizzled out, but not without controversy, deeply rooted in the colliding socio-political forces in the city at that time: the reliance on a non-motorized transport system; the consolidation of American colonial rule against the backdrop of an ongoing revolution; the birth of the first Filipino labor federation; and the implementation of a law banning the employment of Chinese workers from unskilled trades. The controversy turned the rickshaw into a disputed symbol. On the one hand, the rickshaw enterprise was criticized by Filipino carriage drivers and nationalist labor leaders, who viewed the vehicle as an essentially foreign apparatus that would enslave Filipinos. On the other hand, the Americans used the Filipinos’ opposition to the rickshaw to prove the supposed un-modernity of the lazy native workers, who failed to grasp the idea of the dignity of labor. These disputes were inextricably linked to the clash of discourses between Filipino nationalism and colonial modernity, two competing perspectives both influenced by a comparative transnational frame.


1948 ◽  
Vol 42 (6) ◽  
pp. 1127-1148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Belle Zeller ◽  
Hugh A. Bone

In November, 1936, the voters of New York City approved the use of proportional representation for the election of members of the city council by a vote of 923,186 to 555,217, after its opponents had failed by court action to prevent the question from being submitted. By a combination of Democratic delegates from New York City and machine Republicans from upstate, the constitutional convention of 1938 provided the people of the entire state an opportunity to reject decisively an amendment that would have prohibited the use of P.R. in any election in the state. Still another unsuccessful attempt to abolish the system was made in 1940—this time through initiative petition under provision of the New York City charter. With the entry of the United States into the war, no further serious effort at repeal was made until 1947, although dissatisfaction with the results of the councilmanic elections continued to be heard even above the din of war.How did the forces line up in the intense battle over P.R. in the campaign of 1947? The political parties, of course, had a direct stake in the results of the campaign. On the one side were the Democratic and Republican county organizations urging repeal of P.R., while the American Labor party, the Liberal party, the Communist party, and the Fusion forces worked for retention of the system.


2020 ◽  
pp. 67-74
Author(s):  
Oleh Ivanyuk ◽  
Yana Martianova

The article is devoted to the elections to the Kyiv City Council in 1906, which unfolded on the backdrop of revolutionary events and were characterized by a fierce struggle between two political projects — the “New Duma” and “Old Duma” parties. Particular attention is paid to the main stages of elections’ conduct and violation of electoral law by the race participants. On the background of the revolutionary events, the citizens formed a request for “new faces” and fundamental changes in management methods. The expression of dreams of the residents of Kyiv was the “New Duma Party”, which positioned itself as a team of executives who understand the needs of the city. During the elections, significant violations of the current legislation were registered that did not allow to form the fully the all members of the Kyiv City Council. In the course of the research, it is found that the most informative materials, in terms of Kyiv City Council elections, were the materials of the newspapers “Gromadska Dumka” and “Kievlianin”. These periodicals, while supporting the ideologically opposed political forces, covered the race in detail. Newspapers’ editorial staff paid particular attention to sensational materials related to electoral law violations, which were of most interest to readers. If the “Gromadska Dumka” tried to cover the race objectively, “Kievlianin” published not only facts, but also insults and campaign materials, retranslating the ideologues of Russian nationalists.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-120
Author(s):  
Cecília Avelino Barbosa

Place branding is a network of associations in the consumer’s mind, based on the visual, verbal, and behavioral expression of a place. Food can be an important tool to summarize it as it is part of the culture of a city and its symbolic capital. Food is imaginary, a ritual and a social construction. This paper aims to explore a ritual that has turned into one of the brands of Lisbon in the past few years. The fresh sardines barbecued out of doors, during Saint Anthony’s festival, has become a symbol that can be found on t-shirts, magnets and all kinds of souvenirs. Over the year, tourists can buy sardine shaped objects in very cheap stores to luxurious shops. There is even a whole boutique dedicated to the fish: “The Fantastic World of Portuguese Sardines” and an annual competition promoted by the city council to choose the five most emblematic designs of sardines. In order to analyze the Sardine phenomenon from a city branding point of view, the objective of this paper is to comprehend what associations are made by foreigners when they are outside of Lisbon. As a methodological procedure five design sardines, were used of last year to questioning to which city they relate them in interviews carried in Madrid, Lyon, Rome and London. Upon completion of the analysis, the results of the city branding strategy adopted by the city council to promote the sardines as the official symbol of Lisbon is seen as a Folkmarketing action. The effects are positive, but still quite local. On the other hand, significant participation of the Lisbon´s dwellers in the Sardine Contest was observed, which seems to be a good way to promote the city identity and pride in their best ambassador: the citizens.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 290-317
Author(s):  
David McCrone
Keyword(s):  
The City ◽  

How did Edinburgh become ‘festival city’? Despite appearances, it was not always so, and it acquired the accolade by happenstance; in the view of one observer, a ‘strange amalgam of cultural banditry, civic enterprise and idealism’. The official Festival's survival was down to the City Council, and it was funded almost entirely by public bodies. This was the central structure around which The Fringe developed, and The Traverse prospered, along with smaller festivals and events to become Festival City. The story sheds considerable light on how Edinburgh ‘works’, its strengths and weaknesses combined.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (March 2018) ◽  
Author(s):  
S.A Okanlawon ◽  
O.O Odunjo ◽  
S.A Olaniyan

This study examined Residents’ evaluation of turning transport infrastructure (road) to spaces for holding social ceremonies in the indigenous residential zone of Ogbomoso, Oyo State, Nigeria. Upon stratifying the city into the three identifiable zones, the core, otherwise known as the indigenous residential zone was isolated for study. Of the twenty (20) political wards in the two local government areas of the town, fifteen (15) wards that were located in the indigenous zone constituted the study area. Respondents were selected along one out of every three (33.3%) of the Trunk — C (local) roads being the one mostly used for the purpose in the study area. The respondents were the residents, commercial motorists, commercial motorcyclists, and celebrants. Six hundred and forty-two (642) copies of questionnaire were administered and harvested on the spot. The Mean Analysis generated from the respondents’ rating of twelve perceived hazards listed in the questionnaire were then used to determine respondents’ most highly rated perceived consequences of the practice. These were noisy environment, Blockage of drainage by waste, and Endangering the life of the sick on the way to hospital; the most highly rated reasons why the practice came into being; and level of acceptability of the practice which was found to be very unacceptable in the study area. Policy makers should therefore focus their attention on strict enforcement of the law prohibiting the practice in order to ensure more cordial relationship among the citizenry, seeing citizens’ unacceptability of the practice in the study area.


Author(s):  
George Hoffmann

On a warm summer afternoon in 1561, Calvin’s chief editor donned a heavy stole, thick robes, and a gleaming tiara and proceeded to strut and fret his hour upon the stage in a comedy of his own devising. For little more than a century, Christians in the West had celebrated on August 6th Christ’s Transfiguration as the son of God in shining robes. But on this Sunday in Geneva, the city council, consistory, and an audience fresh from having attended edifying sermons at morning service gathered to applaud the transfiguration of the learned Conrad Badius into the title role of ...


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