scholarly journals BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE (BRI) AND ITS IMPLICATION ON MARITIME SECURITY IN ASIA PACIFIC: CASE STUDY ON CHINA-AUSTRALIA TRADE COOPERATION

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Muhammad Akbar
Keyword(s):  
Iron Ore ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Maritime Security ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Sea Power ◽  
National University ◽  
Belt And Road

Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or One Belt One Road (OBOR) first introduced by Xi Jinping on September 2013 in Kazakhstan, when he stated “Silk Road Economic Belt”, specifically. One month later, he stated the term “Maritime Silk Road” in Indonesia. OBOR is both a concept and a work plan that designed by China to connect towards Eurasia, Africa, and Oceania. The connections are both distance and political influence. China’s bargaining position on Australia is considered strong enough, and vice versa. Australia is important for China for its iron ore that exported to China. China will not put their position at a stake considering its 60% dependency of iron ore from Australia, based on the research by Professor Rory Medcalf from Australia National University (Medcalf 2017, 110). The complexity of the struggle for power in this region is increasing since Australia has been the ally of The United States of America (USA) to whom China is declaring Trade War. China’s expenditure and development of the Navy growing increasingly reflects the higher attention on maritime security. Political condition in Asia Pacific will be effected by this condition with the growing influence of the superpower of the South China Sea, the People’s Republic of China. This paper will explore about sea power in Asia Pacific and its relations with the growing and more advanced China-Australia relations.   Keywords: OBOR (One Belt One Road), Maritime Security, Sea Power, Asia Pacific.     Abstrak     Istilah Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) atau dikenal juga dengan jargon One Belt One Road (OBOR) pertama kali digaungkan oleh Xi Jinping pada bulan September 2013 di Kazakhstan, ia mengucapkan “Silk Road Economic Belt”, secara spesifik. Sebulan kemudian, Ia menyinggung konsep “Maritime Silk Road” dalam kunjungannya ke Indonesia (Davies, 2016, 218). OBOR adalah sebuah konsep, sekaligus juga workplan yang dirancang sedemikian rupa oleh China untuk mendekatkannya dengan Eurasia, Afrika, dan Oceania. Dekat dalam artian keterhubungan melalui kemudahan transportasi, dan dekat secara pengaruh (political influence). Tulisan ini akan mengambil studi kasus kerja sama perdagangan yang dilakukan antara China dan Australia. Posisi tawar China terhadap Australia cukup kuat, dan begitu pula sebaliknya. Australia diunggulkan dengan komoditi biji besi yang diekspor ke China, sehingga membuat China memiliki ketergantungan terhadap Australia. Professor Rory Medcalf dari Australia National University (ANU) mengatakan bahwa China tidak akan mempertaruhkan hubungan perdagangannya dengan Australia, mengingat dependensi China terhadap impor biji besi dari Australia sebesar 60% (Medcalf 2017, 110). Australia adalah sekutu Amerika Serikat (AS) yang kini sedang dalam kondisi perang dagang dengan China, membuat hubungan diantara negara-negara ini menjadi kompleks. Anggaran belanja pertahanan dan percepatan pertumbuhan Armada Laut China cenderung meningkat, sehingga dapat disimpulkan adanya keseriusan dalam hal peningkatan keamanan maritim (maritime security). Kondisi politik regional di kawasan Asia Pasifik akan terdampak atas kedigdayaan maritim China di kawasan. Tulisan ini akan membahas mengenai Sea Power di kawasan Asia Pasifik dan kaitannya dengan hubungan dagang China-Australia yang semakin intens. Kata kunci: OBOR (One Belt One Road), Keamanan Maritim, Sea Power, Asia Pacific

Demystifying the Belt and Road Initiative: China’s domestic and non-strategic policy?

2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110388
Author(s):  
Yuan Jiang
Keyword(s):  
Global Strategy ◽  
Chinese Economy ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
Strategic Policy ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Belt And Road

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a central policy of the Chinese government. The initiative is directly associated with President Xi Jinping, who first put forward the BRI in Kazakhstan and Indonesia in 2013, initially as One Belt One Road. Different from repetitive literature that concludes the BRI as China's global strategy, this article makes a contribution to argue that the BRI is China's domestic and non-strategic policy. To justify this argument, this article analyses how the BRI has been embedded into aspects of Chinese domestic policy by revealing its nexuses with Chinese domestic economy, politics and ideology. To deepen the understanding of the BRI's connection with the Chinese economy, this article explores the link between the BRI and China's supply-side structural reform. Meanwhile, this research demystifies the BRI as a global strategy and the difference between joining and rejecting the BRI to prove the BRI's non-strategic essence. In the end, this article discusses the BRI's far-reaching geopolitical influence.

scholarly journals One Belt, One Road Initiative and Its Geostrategic Significance for Eastern Europe

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Pantea
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
Global Project ◽  
China Dream

Abstract China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as it was formally announced by President Xi Jinping in 2013, it is an engine for foreign policy, but it represents as well the driver force of China’s economic growth - and as such, it plays an important role in the domestic policy. China's foreign policy aims to support domestic growth and employment, must be aligned with the narratives of ‘rejuvenation’ and the ‘China Dream’. As such, the present paper discusses the origins and development of BRI; it analyses the mechanism in which BRI promotes China’s domestic agenda; as well as it regards at the geostrategic aims and difficulties of such an ambitions global project

Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)

2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-49
Author(s):  
Lars Wächter
Keyword(s):  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Belt And Road

Chinas Staatschef Xi Jinping will das „Reich der Mitte“ bis 2049 zur neuen Weltmacht führen. Dazu soll die alte Seidenstraße zu neuem Leben erweckt werden. Belt and Road Initiative heißt das Megaprojekt, das in den nächsten Jahren die Weltwirtschaft massiv verändern wird.

scholarly journals A Belt and Road Initiative: uma análise sobre a projeção global da China no Século XXI

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 96-113
Author(s):  
Ricardo Lopes Kotz ◽  
Helton Ouriques
Keyword(s):  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Belt And Road

O presente artigo analisa o papel geoeconômico dos investimentos estrangeiros diretos da China para a execução da Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), o principal conceito de política externa do mandatário Xi Jinping. Para isto são propostos dois horizontes temporais que permitem realizar uma análise conjuntural acercada inserção internacional da China: 40 anos e 20 anos. Estes recortes temporais abrangem o processo de reformas e abertura, à partir de 1978, passando pela projeção global dos investimentos chineses com a estratégia Going Global e que resulta atualmente na Nova Rota da Seda, ou Belt and Road Initiative. Osprincipais resultados da pesquisa sugerem que embora tenha surgido como um plano para a construção de infraestrutura através da Eurásia, a BRI se tornou um amplo conceito para se compreender a posição da China no sistema internacional, sobretudo na condução de suas relações com outros países emergentes.Os recortes temporais analisados representam uma continuidade na trajetória político-estratégica da China e visam à obtenção do seu principal objetivo de Estado: a continuidade do seu desenvolvimento econômico. O aporte teórico da geoeconomia é importante, neste trabalho, para compreender a implementação e consolidação da BRI através da emissão de investimentos estrangeiros diretos. 

The Countries of Southeast Asia and the Chinese Initiative Belt and Road: a Model of Interaction

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (10) ◽  
pp. 91-102
Author(s):  
N. Rogozhina
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
The Belt And Road ◽  
Southeast Asian Countries

The choice of the countries of Southeast Asia as an example for analyzing the nature of interaction between developing countries and China within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative is not accidental. The very logic of China’s stated goals of gaining dominant positions in the world economy and politics makes it inevitable that the countries of Southeast Asia located in geographic proximity to it are included in its long-term economic and political plans. The question, however, is to what extent do they meet the interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves? The solution to this question is the main subject of research in the article. There are objective prerequisites for mutually beneficial cooperation. The Belt and Road projects are viewed by China as a tool for economic expansion into the region with the prospect of taking a leading position there, using the interest of Southeast Asian countries in the inflow of foreign investment to create modern infrastructure, the lack of which narrows their opportunities for further economic growth, maintaining competitiveness and developing integration ties within ASEAN Community. Expert assessments made by international organizations confirm the positive impact of OBOR projects on the economic development of Southeast Asian countries and although today it is too early to draw any conclusions, since the initiative is only at the initial stage of its implementation in the region, nevertheless the case studies presented in the article indicate a mismatch in the positions of the parties on a number of issues related to the financing of projects, their lack of transparency. non-compliance with environmental and social requirements. The support of the initiative on the part of the Southeast Asian countries does not automatically mean their acceptance of the terms of the agreements proposed by China, which are far from always consistent with their national interests and give rise to fears in society about its expansionist intentions. Therefore, in many Southeast Asian countries, participation in OBOR projects is turning into a subject of political discourse, which reflects the presence of disagreements in society and confrontation of interests regarding the advisability of rapprochement with China, given the associated economic and political risks. The countries of Southeast Asia can be conditionally divided into two groups according to their relation to the Belt and Road initiative. The first group includes Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam and Myanmar, whose position can be described as national pragmatism. While supporting the Chinese initiative in general, they nevertheless assess the possible risks of their participation in projects and seek to reduce them. The second group is represented by Laos and Cambodia, whose leadership unconditionally supports the Chinese initiative, guided by the interests of their own survival, which largely depends on Chinese assistance. Therefore, the prospect of falling into a debt trap and increasing economic dependence on the PRC and even the threat of losing sovereignty does not deter them from participating in highly controversial projects from a commercial point of view. Based on the analysis made, the author comes to the conclusion that, given the existing alignment of political forces in Southeast Asia, China can count on promoting its initiative in the region, which, however, does not automatically lead to an increase in its political influence and to the creation of a China-centric model of regional order. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (agreement № 075-15-2020-783).

Representation of the “Belt and Road Initiative” in Turkish mainstream newspapers

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 291-304
Author(s):  
Gökçe Özsu ◽  
Ferruh Mutlu Binark
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Background Information ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Full Membership ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Turkish Foreign Policy ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
General Secretary ◽  
The Belt And Road

Turkey and China are the countries that established their relations in the shadow of their ideological affiliation. Turkey constructed its multi-partied democratic regime as an implementation of Western-based democracy. However, this has not granted EU full-membership to the country, and Turkey has initiated alternative allies since mid 2000s. This shift of axis has turned into more enthusiasm after the failed coup d’état of 15 July 2016. The purpose of this study is to reveal how Turkish mainstream newspapers represent the Chinese alternative globalization project, “The Belt and Road Initiative” which was introduced in 2013 by General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping. In order to frame the background information, we will first introduce the aims of the Belt and Road Initiative, and then summarize Turkey’s relation to China from two aspects: political and economic concerns. Following the overview of Turko-Sino relationship, we will focus on the Justice and Development Party’s foreign policy to grasp its pragmatic concern in relation to the Belt and Road Initiative. Based on the contextualization of Turko-Sino relations, we will conduct thematic content analysis of the news on the Belt and Road Initiative from May to July 2017 in mainstream Turkish newspapers. Our analysis brings into question how Turkish press relocates the Belt and Road Initiative with respect to Turkey’s political and economic concerns about China’s alternative globalism, Turkish foreign policy seeking for new allies as alternatives for the Western counterparts, and thus we will examine President Erdoğan’s influence on Turkish foreign policy. Based on our findings, we will discuss the reasons for insufficient coverage of the Belt and Road Initiative in Turkish mainstream newspapers.

Summit moves China's OBOR towards internationalisation

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Infrastructure Investment ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Investment Bank ◽  
Multilateral Development Banks ◽  
Content Type ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
Regional Organisations ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Belt And Road

Subject The future of China's One Belt One Road initiative. Significance China convened the first summit of the Belt and Road Initiative (previously known as 'One Belt One Road', OBOR) on May 14-15. With this major diplomatic event, President Xi Jinping aimed to showcase and buttress international support for his central foreign policy initiative, the success of which will hinge on the participation of other countries, regional organisations and international financial institutions. Their contribution, or lack thereof, will affect the nature of OBOR and determine the impact of the Chinese initiative on Asia’s infrastructure connectivity and economic system, as well as on the international order. Impacts Cooperation between China and multilateral development banks may increase the number of OBOR projects with competitive procurement. Plans for OBOR’s corridors may be altered to accommodate competing visions for Asia’s connectivity, such as Russia’s. The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank may more formally align its mandate with OBOR’s.

scholarly journals How realistic is the China–Pakistan–Iran economic corridor?

2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110414
Author(s):  
Daniel Rajmil ◽  
Lucía Morales ◽  
Bernadette Andreosso-O’Callaghan
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
Careful Attention ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Power Development ◽  
Strategic Approach ◽  
Belt And Road

The economic and political influence of China in the Asian region is growing amidst global geopolitical challenges. Economic corridors such as the new Silk Road have been identified as enablers of strategic growth and geo-economic power development in a context of significant political instability. Beijing's strategic approach and the importance of Pakistan and Iran to its aspiration to realise China's dream through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are examined in this comparative study. The rising role of China in the region and its engagement with Iran and Pakistan and the part that these two countries can play need careful attention. Political and economic joint interests have brought together these three countries with significant links to China's economic corridor and energy projections. But the future of the partnership is very fragile as it is characterised by historical hostilities between Iran and Pakistan that can act as a major impendiment to China's ability to progress. In addition, economic and trade figures show an unbalanced relationship that clearly favours Chinese interests. The BRI and the Chinese plans for those territories still remain blurry as any long-term crisis that characterises fragile and complex international alliances.

scholarly journals Chinas Belt and Road Initiative wandelt sich

2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (11) ◽  
pp. 901-905
Author(s):  
Britta Kuhn
Keyword(s):  
Silk Road ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Belt And Road

ZusammenfassungSchon vor der Corona-Pandemie belasteten finanzielle und geopolitische Probleme die „Neue Seidenstraße“: Chinas Gesamtinvestitionen gehen seit Jahren zurück, wichtige Bauprojekte sind unrentabel, die Partner in Ost- und Südosteuropa wenden sich ab, und umweltschädliche Vorhaben stoßen zunehmend auf Widerstand. Seit 2020 bieten wohlhabende Demokratien verstärkt Alternativen, und auch die Volksrepublik stundet Schulden. Xi Jinping forciert daher neben dem „BRI Green Partnership“ vor allem die „Digital Silk Road“ und „China Standards 2035“, also globale Technologie- und Normierungsprojekte.

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