We’ll Keep the Red Flag Flying Here: Syndicalism, Jim Larkin and Irish Masculinity at the Abbey Theatre, 1911–1919

Author(s):  
Susan Cannon Harris

This chapter examines the cultural impact of syndicalism, tracing its influence on representations of working-class masculinity in three strike plays staged at the Abbey Theatre during Ireland’s revolutionary period: St. John Ervine’s Mixed Marriage, Andrew Patrick Wilson’s The Slough, and Daniel Corkery’s The Labour Leader. All three plays were inspired by syndicalist labor actions in Irish cities organized by the labor leader James Larkin, whose agitational style incorporated aspects of queer socialism into a more normative masculinity founded on the capacity for violence. Larkin’s ability to inspire working-class men with his emotions alarmed Ervine, who focuses on the heterosexual ‘mixing’ named in his play’s title in order to suppress the disruptive potential of the homosocial ‘mixing’ of Catholic and Protestant men enabled by Larkin’s organizing. The counter-revolutionary family plot that Ervine constructs for Mixed Marriage includes an irresponsible working-class father and a strong but apolitical working-class mother, conventions which are replicated in A. Patrick Wilson’s Lockout play The Slough and amplified in O’Casey’s Juno and the Paycock. Daniel Corkery’s The Labour Leader, by contrast, embraces Larkin’s self-dramatization in order to explore the emotional landscape of working-class masculinity and the potential of a revolutionary theatre capable of harnessing syndicalism’s passions.

Author(s):  
Connal Parr

St John Ervine and Thomas Carnduff were born in working-class Protestant parts of Belfast in the 1880s, though Ervine would escape to an eventually prosperous existence in England. Orangeism, the politics of early twentieth-century Ireland, the militancy of the age—and the involvement of these writers in it—along with Ervine’s journey from ardent Fabian to reactionary Unionist, via his pivotal experiences managing the Abbey Theatre and losing a leg in the First World War, are all discussed. Carnduff’s own tumultuous life is reflected through his complicated Orange affiliation, gut class-consciousness, poetry, unpublished work, contempt for the local (and gentrified) Ulster artistic scene, and veneration of socially conscious United Irishman James Hope. It concludes with an assessment of their respective legacies and continuing import.


1998 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 201-213
Author(s):  
Pieter Tijmes

AbstractThis paper discusses some cultural implications of technology for the place where we live. Two opposed thinkers, Martin Heidegger and Emmanuel Levinas, give an account of the cultural impact of technology and articulate the meaning of the place we live in. The paper proposes a systematic point of view that might take their contradictory positions into account. Helmuth Plessner can serve as a mediator with his theory of eccentricity. First, I turn to Ernst Juenger who frames the fundamental issue of modem technology ushering in a revolutionary period of history. Juenger's work is important to consider since his influence on Heidegger is large and not well known.


2021 ◽  
pp. 54-64
Author(s):  
Elmira F. Abubikerova ◽  

The article is analyzing the organization of the off-hours time for employees in higher education institutions of Saratov in the 1920s. Based on original sources, the author reveals the main types of leisure of the teaching staff. In the period under review, a lot of the old, traditional still existed in the nonprofessional activities of lecturers, which, due to objective reasons of that time, underwent some changes. Since leisure remained an integral part of private life, it was impossible to completely abandon it, although in comparison with the pre-revolutionary period there was less and less space for it. The issues of the spiritual world, views on the surrounding reality, reflections on the life path of life and credo – all that faded into the background, the lecturers had to solve the acute issues of a half-starved existence, and sometimes to wage an actual struggle for survival. When comparing the leisure of scientists and the working class people, there is a difference in their quality content and in specific types of pastime. The main attention is focused on considering the factors that influenced changes in the forms of spending free time by scientists during the 1920s.


Author(s):  
Emilie Pine

Born into Dublin tenement life in 1880, Sean O’Casey (originally John O’Casey) went on to become one of Ireland’s most important playwrights, best known for his realist Dublin Trilogy, which premiered at the Abbey Theatre and included The Shadow of a Gunman (1923), Juno and the Paycock (1924), and The Plough and the Stars (1926). The four-act Plough and the Stars provoked riots on its second night as protestors objected to the play’s critique of Irish nationalism. O’Casey’s close association with the Abbey ended in 1928 when W. B. Yeats rejected his play about World War I, The Silver Tassie, which combined Realism and Expressionism. O’Casey moved to England in 1926, where he married the actress Eileen Carey, and he continued to write politically focused plays for English and American stages. He also wrote political essays and six volumes of autobiography. O’Casey’s family were working-class Dubliners who struggled financially after his father was seriously injured, and O’Casey started work at the age of fourteen. This first-hand understanding of gruelling poverty informed his life-long Socialism and his involvement in the 1913 Dublin Lockout strike. In The Plough and the Stars, his critique of nationalism centered on the disparity between the rhetoric of freedom through blood sacrifice and the hardships of working-class life.


Author(s):  
John B. Jentz ◽  
Richard Schneirov

This chapter discusses the great railroad strike of 1877. In the summer of 1877, the United States experienced its first national strike, an unorganized, spontaneous rebellion of working people in cities from Baltimore and Pittsburgh to St. Louis and Chicago. The Great Strike produced a fundamental change in public awareness. Beforehand, according to Socialist and labor leader George Schilling, “the labor question was of little or no importance to the average citizen.” After the strike, no one could deny that there was a “labor question” or a working class that did not feel on an “equal footing” with the rest of society. In the new climate of opinion, the Socialists prospered because they had answers to the new labor question, whereas others had denied its existence.


1995 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Hyslop

The South African white general election of 1938 was largely fought around a poster. The poster was published by the supporters of D. F. Malan's hard-line Afrikaner Nationalists, who were attempting to unseat the more pro-imperial United Party (UP) government of Hertzog and Smuts. The poster portrayed the alleged threat of ‘mixed’ marriages to Afrikaner women, and attacked the UP for failing to legislate against it. Rejecting J. M. Coetzee's contention that such racist manifestations can solely be understood in terms of the unconscious, the paper argues that shifting gender relations amongst Afrikaners were crucial to this agitation. As young Afrikaner women moved into industry on a large scale during the 1920s and 1930s, men experienced women's greater economic and social independence as a challenge to their authority. Nationalist leaders played successfully on this insecurity by appealing to men to ‘protect’ women against supposed black threats, including ‘mixed’ marriages. The particular campaign of 1938, however, backfired somewhat on the Malanites. The Hertzog and Smuts supporters were divided over the proposal for legislation. But even their liberal faction was against ‘mixed’ marriages; they simply did not see a law as the best way of preventing it. The UP responded to the Nationalist campaign by arguing that white women were being insulted by the mere suggestion that they would marry across the colour line. They used this particular strand of racism to mobilise white women and men against the Nationalists. But the whole affair ultimately smoothed the way for Malan to legislate against ‘mixed’ marriage after he came to power in 1948. The combined effects of both Nationalist and UP campaigns was to strengthen racist opinion about the issue. In order to avoid the divisions in his party on the marriage question, Hertzog handed it over to a Commission of Inquiry. The 1939 De Villiers Report recommended in favour of legislation, but was not acted on because of the break-up of the Hertzog–Smuts government. Yet this UP appointed commission was ultimately used by the Nationalist government as the basis of its own racist marriage legislation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 98 ◽  
pp. 193-215
Author(s):  
Fearghal Mac Bhloscaidh

AbstractThis paper examines an unsuccessful strike by Irish Catholic and Protestant workers at a woolen mill in 1919. The location, Caledon in County Tyrone, is renowned as a stronghold of Ulster Unionism and Orangeism, yet in the context of the revolutionary period in Ireland from 1916–1926, traditional sectarian divisions briefly abated in the face of working-class solidarity. In this respect, the analysis offers something of a corrective to assumptions regarding the immutability of sectarian divisions in Ulster. The article also places Caledon within the context of a widespread and sustained movement of unskilled workers in the main provincial city, Belfast, and across much of rural Ulster between 1918–1920. Nevertheless, the manner in which the employer defeated the strike and the village's subsequent history of violent sectarianism offers valuable insights into the creation and consolidation of Northern Ireland, or what many local Catholics called “the Orange State,” which celebrates its centenary in 2020.


2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (8) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
MICHELE G. SULLIVAN
Keyword(s):  

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document