News Agencies: From Telegrams to Tweets

2020 ◽  
pp. 247-264
Author(s):  
Jonathan Grun

The chapter examines the evolution of the news agency, with particular reference to the Press Association, the national news agency of the United Kingdom and Ireland (PA). News agencies have survived for more than a century by evolving to meet the requirements of their customers, whether in print or online. High editorial standards are vital because an agency story be able to be used without further checks being made – customers must trust that it is verified, accurate and impartial. The chapter relates how PA reporters had to maintain editorial impartiality in Ireland during the Troubles and also how the agency covered the Falklands War, with its censorship and the febrile media atmosphere in which the war was waged.

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-181
Author(s):  
Alexander A Caviedes

This article explores the link between migrants and crime as portrayed in the European press. Examining conservative newspapers from France, Germany, and the United Kingdom from 2007 to 2016, the study situates the press coverage in each individual country within a comparative perspective that contrasts the frequency of the crime narrative to that of other prominent narratives, as well as to that in the other countries. The article also charts the prevalence of this narrative over time, followed by a discussion of which particular aspects of crime are most commonly referenced in each country. The findings suggest that while there has been no steady increase in the coverage of crime and migration, the press securitizes migration by focusing on crime through a shared emphasis on human trafficking and the non-European background of the perpetrators. However, other frames advanced in these newspapers, such as fraud or organized crime, comprise nationally distinctive characteristics.


2016 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ezequiel Mercau

AbstractThe 1982 Falklands War was shrouded in symbolism, bringing to the fore divergent conceptions of Britishness, kinship, and belonging. This article casts light on the persistent purchase of the idea of Greater Britain long after the end of empire, addressing a case that would normally be deemed outside its spatial and temporal boundaries. By highlighting the inherent contradictions of this transnational bond, the South Atlantic conflict had a profound effect on an underexposed British community with a lingering attachment to a “British world”: the Anglo-Argentines. As they found themselves wedged between two irreconcilable identities, divisions threatened to derail this already enfeebled grouping. Yet leaders of the community, presuming a common Britishness with the Falkland Islanders and Britons in the United Kingdom, sought to intervene in the conflict by reaching out to both. That their efforts were met with indifference, and sometimes scorn, only underlines how contingent and frail the idea of Greater Britain was by 1982. Yet this article also reveals how wide ranging the consequences of the crisis of Greater Britain were, and how its global reach was acutely put to the test by pitting different “British worlds” against each other.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
John D. Schwetman

Derry Girls (2018–present) playfully satirizes regionalism and first-person narrative while re-enacting a collective memory of the Troubles. A close reading of the series’ opening montage provides the basis for a fuller understanding of the programme’s nuanced critique of efforts to look back on Northern Ireland in the 1990s and make sense of it all with the benefit of hindsight. In lieu of the reassurances of authoritative extradiegetic commentary, the series’ opening monologue provides a humorous account of the unresolved tribulations of adolescence and, in the larger political frame, a community’s continuing inability to situate itself as a region within the United Kingdom.


1998 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
John S. Ellis

With the notable exception of Scotland, Queen Victoria was never very enthusiastic about her kingdoms of the “Celtic fringe.” During the sixty-four years of her reign, Victoria spent a healthy seven years in Scotland, a mere seven weeks in Ireland, and a paltry seven nights in Wales. Although there was little overt hostility, the nonconformist Welsh often felt neglected by the monarch and embittered by the queen's position as the head of the Church of England. Her Irish visits, however, were subject to more open opposition by stalwart republicans. Her visit to Dublin in 1900 was accompanied by embarrassing incidents and coercive measures to ensure the pleasant reception and safety of the monarch.The reign of King Edward VII was notable for its warmer attitude toward Wales and Ireland, but this transformation in the relationship between the monarchy and the nations of the “Celtic fringe” reached its most clear expression with the 1911 investiture of the Prince of Wales during the reign of his son, King George V. The press considered the ceremony to be more important than any other royal visit to the Celtic nations and publicized it widely in the United Kingdom and British Empire. The organizers of the event erected telegraph offices at the site of the ceremony, and the railways established special express trains running from Caernarfon to London that were equipped with darkrooms in order to send stories and photographs of the event directly to the newspapers of Fleet Street.


1958 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 548-549 ◽  

The Council of the Baghdad Pact, meeting on the ministerial level, convened in London on July 28, 1958. It was reported that during its two-day meeting, Secretary of State Dulles committed the United States to partnership in the pact with the United Kingdom, Turkey, Iran, and Pakistan. The United States' acceptance of obligations expressed in Article 1 of the pact was accompanied by an oral promise to increase military assistance to the three Asian members. According to the press, these two steps were considered “just as good” as signing a treaty. There were two considerations, according to one source, in the procedure adopted by the United States of agreeing to obligations to members of the pact instead of becoming a full member: 1) special military and economic agreements to be made could be made immediately under the joint resolution on the Middle East passed by both Houses of Congress in March 1957; if the United States had joined the pact as a full member, a new treaty would have been involved requiring the Senate's ratification; 2) the United States was not committed to make such special agreements with Iraq, since the latter did not sign the declaration issued by the Council following its meetings on July 28.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 25-54
Author(s):  
Patrycja Chruściel ◽  
Inez Jasińska

About construction of meanings in the press discourse – the comparative approach, based on the example of Norway attacks in 2011The purpose of the article is to describe and analyse the meanings which the media construct in relation to real events ‘événement réel’ by the example of Anders Breivik’s attacks in Norway in 2011. The paper is a comparative analysis of the media productions in three countries – Poland, France and the United Kingdom. The authors use the French Linguistic Discourse Analysis FLAD methods to determine the keywords ‘mot vedette’ – the most common words or phrases naming the event – reconstruct referential paradigms ‘paradigme désignationnel’ – the lists of expressions that rephrase the keywords – and then deliberate their social meanings. The article textualizes similarities and differences of the social meanings of the event in different European countries and contemplates the collective memory of Europeans.


2020 ◽  
pp. 104-116
Author(s):  
Emily Meierding

This chapter presents a representative oil spat between Argentina and the United Kingdom. It recounts the 1976 incident, where an Argentine destroyer intercepted the RRS Shackleton, a British research ship, which the Argentines believed was unilaterally exploring for oil near the contested Falkland/Malvinas Islands. It narrates how the conflict between Argentina and the United Kingdom inspired an intensely hostile rhetoric but died down when the states began to pursue oil cooperation as a means of resolving their ongoing islands dispute. The chapter demonstrates how the next major conflict between Argentina and the United Kingdom, the Falklands War in 1982, was considered another red herring. It explains how the Falklands War was provoked by Argentine officials' determination to retake the islands before the sesquicentennial of British occupation.


Popular Music ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANNA FEIGENBAUM

Examining ways in which gender is marked in the press coverage of self-produced, folk-rock artist and record label owner Ani DiFranco, this paper explores how language employed in rock criticism frequently functions to devalue and marginalise women artists' musicianship, influence on fans, and contribution to the rock canon. Investigating how the readerships of different publications may influence the ways in which journalists mark gender in rock criticism, this study utilises a corpus of 100 articles on Ani DiFranco published between 1993 and 2003 from print and online magazines and newspapers in Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom. Focusing on the use of inter- and intra-gender artist comparisons, adjectival gender markers and ‘metaphorical gender’ markers in artist background information, lyrical and musical analyses and descriptions of fans, this analysis maps the discursive conventions that music critics and theorists continue to rely on in reviews and profiles of women artists.


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