“Islam and Resistance”: The Uses of Ideology in the Foreign Policy of Hamas

2018 ◽  
pp. 104-126
Author(s):  
Leila Seurat
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
Constitutive Norms ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
State Actor

Even though Hamas remains a non-state actor tapping into the register of political Islam, the sources of its international practice are fundamentally the same ones organizing the foreign policies of states: defending its interests as perceived by the movement’s leaders and advocating the values and constitutive norms of this politico-religious player’s ideology. This dual observation remains valid even when its foreign policy defines itself both in relation to the occupying power and by interactions with other actors.

scholarly journals The Foreign Policy of Islamist Political Parties

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
International System ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
Global Politics ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Collective Work ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Way

Does political Islam have a specific vision of global politics? How has the foreign policy of Islamist forces developed in order to impose their ideas onto the diplomatic agenda of other countries? How do these actors perceive the world, international affairs, and the way Islamic countries should engage with the international system? Eager to break with the dominant grammar of international relations, and instead to fuse Muslim states in a unique religious and political entity, Muslim actors have had to face up to the realities that they had promised to transform. Drawing on a series of case studies, this collective work sheds light on six national trajectories of Islamism: in Morocco (the Party of Justice and Development), Tunisia (Ennhada), Egypt (the Muslim Brotherhood), Palestine (Hamas), Lebanon (Hizbullah) and Turkey (AKP). It looks at what has been produced by the representatives of political Islam in each case, and the way these representatives have put their words and their ideological aspirations into action within their foreign policies.

Sub-state actors and foreign policy risk-taking: The Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-369
Author(s):  
David Romano
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Risk Taking ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
External Environment ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
State Actors ◽  
Policy Risk

The analysis presented here offers a possible framework for understanding when sub-state actors behave prudently and more strategically in their foreign relations, and when other priorities might instead heighten the chances of seemingly irrational, erratic, or dangerous, foreign policies. Using a case study of the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq to illustrate the argument, the author attempts to show how “regime consolidation” plays a key role in allowing such actors to prioritise policies aimed at grappling with external challenges, threats and opportunities. Internally legitimate, consolidated regimes can better present “one face” to the outside world and behave more strategically in the international arena.  Political systems lacking consolidation or internal legitimacy, in contrast, turn to the external environment in search of resources to help them with domestic threats and challenges. This may lead to seemingly erratic, unpredictable and risky foreign policies on their part. Abstract in Kurmanji Aktorên bin-dewletî û girtina rîskên siyaseta derve: Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê Analîza ku li vir hatiye pêşkêşkirin çarçoveyeke muhtemel ji bo fehmkirina demên ku aktorên bin-dewletî di têkiliyên xwe yên derve de bi hişyarî û stratejîk tevdigerin û demên di dewsê de pêşkiyên din şansên siyaseta derve yên xeternak, guherbar û îrrasyonel didine ber xwe. Bi bikaranîna mînaka Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê nivîskar hewl dide ku nîşan bide ka çawa “xurtkirina rejîmê” roleke serekî dilîze di destûrdana van aktoran de ku pêşekiyê bidin polîtîkayên ku bi dijwarî, tehdît û talûkeyên derve bigre. Rejîmên di hundir de meşrû û xurt dikarin baştir “rûyekî” nîşanê cîhana derve bidin û di qada navneteweyî de bêhtir stratejîk tevbigerin. Lê belê sîstemên siyasî yên ne xurt û di hundir de ne meşrû jî berê xwe didin derdora derve di lêgerîna çavkaniyan de da ku alîkariya wan bikin ji bo talûke û zehmetiyên hundirîn. Ev dikare bibe sedem ku ew polîtîkayên derveyî yên birîsk, netexmînbar û hevnegir ên berçav bigrin ji aliyê xwe ve. Abstract in Sorani Ektere dewllete lawekeyyekan û xoleqerey metrisî danî syasetî derewe: hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî ‘êrraq Ew şîkaryaney lêreda amadekrawn , çwarçêweyekî guncaw pêşkeş dekat bo têgeyiştin lewey le katêkda ektere dewllete lawekîyekan beşêweyekî wiryayane û sitratîjyanetir le peywendîyekanî derewey xoyanda hellsukewt deken, we katêkîş ewlewîyetekanî tir renge şansî ewey le rukeşda wek syasetî derekî na'eqllanî, namo, yan trisnak derdekewêt berizbkatewe. Hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî 'êraq wek keysî twêjînewe bekarhatuwe bo rûnkirdnewey ew argumêntey ke nûser hewll dedat nîşanî bdat çon “ptewkirdnî rjêm” rollêkî serekî debînêt le rêgedan bew core ekterane bo ewey ew syasetane bkate ewlewîyet ke amanc lêy berberekanêy allingarîy û hereşe û derfete drekîyekane. Ew rjêmaney ke şer'îyetî nawxoyyan heye û çespawn baştir detwanin “yek rûîy” pîşanî dinyay derewe bken û le meydanî nêwdewlletîşda sitratîjyanetir hellsukewt bken. Bepêçewanewe, ew sîsteme syasyaney ke neçespawn û şer'îyetî nawxoyyan kurtidênêt, le gerran bedway serçawekanda rû le jîngey derekî deken bo ewey yarmetîyan bda le herreşe û allingarîye nawxoyyekan. Eme lewaneye wabkat ke ew syasete derekîyaney ke be namo, pêşbînî nekraw û metrisîdar derdekewn le terefî ewanewe bêt. Abstract in Zazaki Faîlê bindewletkî û rîskgêrîya sîyasetê teberî: Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî   No analîzê tîyayî seba fehmkerdişê wextê ke faîlê bindewletkîyî têkilîyanê xo yê teberî de bitedbîr û hîna zaf stratejîk hereket kenê û wexto ke herinda ci de prîorîteyê bînî asayîş ra gore îhtîmalê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêmantiq, bêqerar yan zî xeternakan kenê zêde, ci rê çarçewayêka potansîyele pêşkêş keno. Bi xebata nimûneyî yê Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî no arguman nîşan dîyeno. Nuştox wazeno bimusno ke “konsolîdasyonê rejîmî” senî rolêko sereke gêno ke tede kerdoxanê winasîyan rê destûr dîyeno ke polîtîkayanê xo yê çareserkerdişê zehmetî, tehdîd û îmkananê teberî prîorîtîze bikerê. Eke zere de meşrû yê, rejîmê kondolîdekerdeyî eşkenê xo bi “yew rî” teber rê bimusnê û sahneya mîyanneteweyîye de hîna zaf stratejîk hereket bikerê. Heto bîn ra, sîstemê sîyasîyî ke tede konsolîdasyon yan zî meşrûîyetê zereyî çin ê, ê xo çarnenê dorûverê xo yê teberî ke seba helkerdişê tehdîd û zehmetîyanê zereyî ro çimeyan bigêre. No seba înan beno ke bibo sebebê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêqerar, nevervînbar û rîzîkodaran.

Serbia and Croatia

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Filip Ejdus
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Small States ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Defence Strategy ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
National Defence

During the cold war, the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia was a middle-sized power pursuing a non-aligned foreign policy and a defence strategy based on massive armed forces, obligatory conscription, and a doctrine of ‘Total National Defence’. The violent disintegration of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s resulted in the creation of several small states. Ever since, their defence policies and armed forces have been undergoing a thorough transformation. This chapter provides an analysis of the defence transformation of the two biggest post-Yugoslav states—Serbia and Croatia—since the end of the cold war. During the 1990s, defence transformation in both states was shaped by the undemocratic nature of their regimes and war. Ever since they started democratic transition in 2000, and in spite of their diverging foreign policies, both states have pivoted towards building modern, professional, interoperable, and democratically controlled armed forces capable of tackling both traditional and emerging threats.

scholarly journals A Transatlantic Secular Divide? The Representation of Religion in EU and US Foreign Policy

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 451-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Jenichen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Policy Documents ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Eu And Us ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
The Eu

AbstractIt is a common—often stereotypical—presumption that Europe is secular and America religious. Differences in international religious freedom and religious engagement policies on both sides of the Atlantic seem to confirm this “cliché.” This article argues that to understand why it has been easier for American supporters to institutionalize these policies than for advocates in the EU, it is important to consider the discursive structures of EU and US foreign policies, which enable and constrain political language and behavior. Based on the analysis of foreign policy documents, produced by the EU and the United States in their relationship with six religiously diverse African and Asian states, the article compares how both international actors represent religion in their foreign affairs. The analysis reveals similarities in the relatively low importance that they attribute to religion and major differences in how they represent the contribution of religion to creating and solving problems in other states. In sum, the foreign policies of both international actors are based on a secular discursive structure, but that of the United States is much more accommodative toward religion, including Islam, than that of the EU.

A Small Member State and European Foreign Policy: Shaping or Taking? The Case of Belgium and the African Great Lakes

2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 233-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Skander Nasra
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Member State ◽  
Great Lakes ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
Policy System ◽  
African Great Lakes ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Small Member

AbstractThe European integration process has altered the conditions under which national foreign policies in Europe are made. Departing from this assumption, this article explores whether and under what conditions a small EU member state can influence European foreign policy. To this end, the role that Belgium has played in the construction of European foreign policy towards the African Great Lakes is examined. This article argues that a small EU member state can significantly influence European foreign policy, resulting in reinforcement of its national foreign policy. Yet this influence is conditioned by two intertwined factors: the nature of EU involvement; and the characteristics of the Union's foreign policy system. Depending on these elements, a small member state can supersede the quantifiable notion of 'smallness' and actively shape the construction of European foreign policy.

Reply to the Commentaries

2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-95
Author(s):  
Christian Nuenlist ◽  
Anna Locher ◽  
Garret Martin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The Other ◽  
Charles De Gaulle ◽  
International Perspectives ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
French Foreign Policy ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
De Gaulle

Four distinguished analysts of French foreign policy under Charles de Gaulle provide in-depth assessments of the new book edited by Christian Nuenlist, Anna Locher, and Garret Martin, Globalizing de Gaulle: International Perspectives on French Foreign Policies, 1958–1969, published by Lexington Books. The commentators praise the book's wide scope and many of its essays and broad themes, but they raise questions about Garret Martin's contention (shared by a few, though not all, of the other contributors to the volume) that de Gaulle had a coherent if ultimately unsuccessful strategy to overcome the Cold War and move toward the unification of Germany and Europe. In article-length commentaries, both Andrew Moravcsik and Marc Trachtenberg take issue with Martin's view, arguing that de Gaulle's foreign policy involved more bluff and bluster than any genuine attempt to bring about the reunification of Germany or to end the Cold War. Moravcsik also provides a spirited defense of the “revisionist” conception of de Gaulle's policy toward Europe, which sees the general as having been guided mostly by his domestic economic and political interests—a conception that Trachtenberg has also come to accept. The forum ends with a reply by Nuenlist, Locher, and Martin to the four commentaries.

scholarly journals UNITED STATES: A REVIEW OF THE US MIDDLE EAST POLICY FROM HARRY TRUMAN TO BILL CLINTON

2021 ◽  
pp. 45-65
Author(s):  
Kardo RACHED ◽  
Salam ABDULRAHMAN
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Bill Clinton ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
American President ◽  
The Us ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Middle East Policy

Since the Second World War, the Middle East has been mentioned in connection with the national interest of America manifested by US presidents. This paper looks at the US foreign policy in the Middle East from Truman to Clinton on the premise that the US foreign policy has contributed to creating a breeding ground for dissatisfaction toward the US In this context, the paper focuses on the doctrines in use from the time of President Truman to Clinton. Thus, every American president has a doctrine, and this doctrine tells what political line the president follows regarding domestic and foreign policies. Keywords: Middle-East, Israel, US national interest, Soviet Union, Natural resources, ideologies.

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