MALI: ECOWAS RESPONSES TO THE CONFLICT IN MALI (2012-2021)

"This paper highlights the Economic Community of West African States [ECOWAS] mode of response to the Malian conflict between 2012 and 2021 and identifies various gaps therein. It seeks to explain why ECOWAS has found it difficult to resolve the Malian conflict in spite of its commitment and experience in conflict resolution in the subregion. Secondary data are used for the study and presented qualitatively. The study reveals that the towering interest of Algeria and other neighbors in the chaotic northern Mali, as well as French interest in its former colony hindered ECOWAS initiative and its effectiveness in resolving the conflict. The paper recommends ECOWAS’ involvement in negotiations at the next peace agreement, and the drawing up of a roadmap for implementing such agreement. Besides, ECOWAS needs to address governance deficits in Mali and elsewhere in the subregion through peer review mechanism and increase its capacity to respond to violent conflicts beyond microstates and Anglophone enclaves in the region. Keywords: ECOWAS, Malian conflict, military coup, Tuareg, Jihad."

NIGERIA: POWER-SHARING AND THE RESURGENCE OF SEPARATIST AGITATION. THE PROSPECT OF A CONSOCIATIONAL MODEL

The theory of consociationalism has been extensively discussed in literature; however, its feasibility in managing conflicts in deeply divided societies is heavily contested. The few studies that have examined how the theory applies in real-world situations remain inconclusive. The present work, therefore, explored the prospect of consociational power-sharing model in addressing the problem of under-representation, political exclusion, and marginalization in Nigeria. This is against the backdrop of the incessant separatist agitations in Nigeria, which has undermined the peace, stability, and unity of the country. Using qualitatively analyzed data from secondary sources, this study argues that even though Nigeria does not meet any of the favorable conditions of consociationalism set out by Lijphart (1985), it would still benefit from consociational power-sharing. The study proposes the adoption of semi-presidentialism based on the principle of grand coalition and proportionality and gives an assessment of how it could work for Nigeria. It contends that the rotation of power among the six geo-political zones in the country and the adoption of proportional sequential mechanism would facilitate elite cooperation and inclusion of all segments of the society in the political process, thereby easing the fear of sectional domination in Nigeria. Keywords: power-sharing, consociationalism, separatist agitation, under-representation, political exclusion, Nigeria.

NIGERIA: RELIGIOUS CONFLICT AND THE BOKO HARAM

"Religious conflicts have increased interfaith suspicion between Christians and Muslims in Nigeria with each group being determined to outshine the other in the propagation of its religious beliefs. In fact, even Islamic sect Boko Haram was formed on the belief in the superiority of Islam as a monotheistic religion and with a divine mandate to purge Islam of Western influences. This paper examines the complex issues surrounding the advent of the Boko Haram sect in Nigeria. It argues that religious conflict in Nigeria results from the propagation of radicalized exegeses and the use of religious sentiments for gain political advantage. Government’s failure to act decisively also accounts for religious conflict in Nigeria and the Boko Haram in particular. Keywords: Boko Haram, conflict, religion, ideology, violence, Islam."

UZBEKISTAN: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE OFFICIAL DISCOURSE ON TERRORISM

Since its independence, Uzbekistan has often portrayed terrorism as one of the gravest threats to its sovereignty, integrity, unity, and internal stability. Uzbekistan’s authoritarian regime has been perceived endorsing and executing a series of counter-terrorism policies to exorcise this hazardous threat that includes all possible tactics for eliminating terrorism from the respective region. Unlike the state’s proclamation about the increasing gravity of the terrorist threat, some international human right organizations and Central Asian experts depict an opposite picture of it. They are seen to be very critical of the state’s exaggerated version of the terrorist threat and question the state’s intention behind such projection. This paper makes a systematic effort to critically examine how Uzbekistan’s authoritarian leaders have constructed official discourse on terrorism, taking into consideration the social, political and economic context of the region. The paper also examines the authenticity of the state’s continuous projection of terrorism to be one of the gravest threats to the sovereignty and integrity of the region by incorporating and analyzing a detailed account of the terrorist acts that have taken place in Uzbekistan since 1991 to 2018. Finally, the paper also explains why the Uzbek authoritarian regime is keen to construct terrorism to be one of the most dangerous threats to the state. Keywords: terrorism, Uzbekistan, Counterterrorism Act, security, non-state actor

PALESTINE: POPULAR NON-VIOLENT RESISTANCE. DEBATING TERMINOLOGY AND CONSTRUCTING PARADIGMS

The main goal of this research paper is to examine the core role of popular nonviolent resistance in transforming the Israeli Palestinian conflict through all available peaceful means. We have deeply gone through different definitions of nonviolence as an international concept and we explored the various historical stages and prominent stations of this type of nonviolence. To elaborate more on this goal, we can say that the strategic aim is to bridge the gap between theories and approaches of conflict transformations and the current study of peaceful resistance. Nonviolence is one strategic options for the Palestinians if we realize that the political alternatives and narrow and limited. Methodology adopted in this research is primarily qualitative with analytical and empirical connotations and implications, we relied on both primary and secondary data to reach the final results and conclusions. As far the final findings are concerned, this paper concluded that there is a gap between nonviolence peaceful resistance in the field in one hand and the decision makers on the other hand. There is a gap those who practiced or who embraced nonviolence as strategic resistance and those who put political goals and practiced political leadership. There is a lack of a proper understanding of peaceful nonviolent resistance and its role in liberating and emancipating Palestine from the occupation. Keywords: nonviolence, occupation, popular resistance, Gandhian model.

SYRIA: TERRORISM AS A CATALYST FOR PROXY WAR – THE CASE OF THE CIVIL WAR

The general meaning of “proxy war” is the pursuit of one’s interests exploiting other actors. Measures to this end can be implemented in two ways: through hard and soft power. As far as countering the activities of terrorist organizations is concerned, it can be seen that self-interest is placed above efforts against terrorism. The civil war in Syria and the activities of terrorist organizations have become grounds for greater involvement of global powers in the struggle for gaining influence in the country. This paper aims to show the actions of global and regional powers and other state actors taken in an attempt to assert power and influence under the guise of the fight against terrorism. The paper is divided into two parts: theoretical and practical. The theoretical part discusses aspects related to Josepha Nye’s concept of “smart power” and the notions of “proxy war” and “proxy activities”. The practical part discusses the activities of international actors pursuing their interests through official involvement in the fight against Daesh in the Syrian territory. Keywords: proxy war, Middle East, soft power, hard power, Daesh, Syria

ETHIOPIA: ABEGAR INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION SYSTEM – COMMUNITY BASED RECONCILIATION

Reconciliation is inevitable for restoring harmony among a society and making peaceful interaction between those who are at variance. The main objective of this study is to investigate the Abegar indigenous conflict resolution system based on community reconciliation in Haberu Woreda, North Wollo. This study employs a qualitative research design and descriptive nature. The study collected primary data from different informants by employing such qualitative data collection techniques as the interview, focus group discussions and observation. The finding of the study revealed that Abegars indigenous conflict resolution system aims at the restoration of order and harmony of the community. The types of conflicts presented and resolved in the community are inter-personal, homicide, inter-group in nature which stemmed from abduction of girls and women, violation of social values, theft, conflict over claims of a girl, competition over ownership of land, and drunkenness. The findings further show that family reconciliation, blood reconciliation (demmaderk) and compensation performance are the major community reconciliation procedures (methods) of conflict management used by the studied community depending on the nature and types of conflicts. Moreover, the ritual ceremony has symbolic and practical significance to established trust between conflicting parties that their relationship is restored. Keywords: Conflict Resolution, Indigenous, Reconciliation, Community

NIGERIA: FACE ACTS IN ALTERNATIVE DISPUTE RESOLUTION TELEVISION PROGRAM. THE CASE OF IGBIMO IPETU

The concept of alternative dispute resolution (ADR) has largely been under explored from the linguistic lens, particularly in the Nigerian context. This study thus provides a scholarly intervention in this regard. Drawing insights from Brown and Levinson’s face theory, four randomly sampled recordings of Ìgbìmo Ìpètù, an alternative dispute resolution television programme on the Ekiti State Television (EKTV) in southwestern Nigeria was analysed in this study. Focus was placed on the face acts as well as their pragmatic functions in the programme. Findings revealed that bald on-record face-threatening acts (FTA), bald off-record FTA and positive face acts characterized the discursive interaction of participants on the programme. While bald onrecord and off-record FTAs were deployed by the panel to criticize and condemn actions considered unsavory on the part of complainants and the accused, complainants and accused persons deployed on-record FTAs to protest/redress the panel’s decisions found unacceptable. The panel used positive face acts as a general principle in the interaction, particularly with cooperative accused persons, while accused persons deployed positive face acts to negotiate the discursive interaction and for face-damage repair. Keywords: Alternative dispute resolution, dispute and media, face acts.

ETHIOPIA: TRUMP’S SECURITIZATION ‘SPEECH ACT’ ON THE GRAND ETHIOPIAN RENAISSANCE DAM (GERD). A RISK ON THE ETHIOPIA-EGYPT WATER DIPLOMACY

The involvement of the United States in the negotiation process of the GERD was taken as a good step forward to end the belligerent water diplomacy between Egypt and Ethiopia. However, America’s peace proposal which is named ‘the Trump deal’ ends up further complicating the two countries water diplomacy. Trump’s securitization ‘speech act’ calling Egypt to ‘blow up’ Ethiopia’s dam further escalated the risk of water war between the two states. Eventually, the Trump lead negotiation eroded the perception that the United States would generate a good proposal to halt the belligerency of the Ethio-Egypt relations. This article is intended to chart a new insight on the following questions: given the unpleasant water diplomacy between Egypt and Ethiopia how ‘the Trump deal’ and securitization ‘speech act’ further complicated the matter? Why President Trump worked in securitizing the construction of the GERD on the Blue Nile? And how does the nature of securitization and counter-securitization activities worked in the water diplomacy between Egypt and Ethiopia? In the process of analysis the Copenhagen School (CS) concept of securitization is employed. Keywords: Egypt, Ethiopia, Nile, Dam, Trump, Securitization.

ETHIOPIA: TOMO – INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION MECHANISM OF THE BENC COMMUNITY

Tomo indigenous conflict resolution approach is practiced by the Benč ethnic group and their neighboring communities within the southwestern fringe of Ethiopia. As an indigenous apparatus, the Tomo approach exhibits spirituality through blessing and cursing which are directed against the accused based on complying or contravening the very indigenous dispute management rules and regulations. The objective of this study was exploring the custom through which the studied community deals with conflict by using the indigenous Tomo approach. In pursuit of this objective, the researcher utilized a qualitative approach, particularly phenomenology. In terms of data collection tools, the researcher used key-informant interview with selected Benč ritual leaders, non-participant observation on Tomo adjudication sessions and critical document analysis. Built up on such data sources, the findings of the study discovered five inferences. First, regardless of the fact that Tomo is an indigenous approach owed by Benč communities, none of the Benč neighboring communities make use ofit. Secondly, the majority of cases seen by Tomo institution are issues that deify credible eyewitness and are cumbersome for verification and/or falsification within the mainstream court system. Thirdly, unlike the habitual Tomo practice within the Benč community, contemporary Tomo exhibits two conflicting formality and informality characteristics. Due to its semi-formal nature, contemporary Tomo ritual leaders notify charges against the presumed wrongdoer by sending an invitation letter for the accused to attend the charges against him/her, comparable with formal courts. Contrary to this formality, contemporary Tomo is also characterized by informality due to the fact that verdicts given against the perpetrator are passed through ritual cursing just like the habitual Tomo. Furthermore, identical with the habitual Tomo practice, cursing within contemporary Tomo goes the presumed wrongdoer including his/her family up to some future generations along with those who feast and bury the presumed wrongdoer. Overall, contemporary Tomo has terrifying delinquency deterring outcome along with the accustomed indigenous conflict resolution mechanism features. Keywords: conflict, conflict resolution, indigenous conflict resolution, Tomo.