Postmodernisations, 1967−1987

2020 ◽  
pp. 67-138
Author(s):  
Manar H. Makhoul
Keyword(s):  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
First Intifada ◽  
Palestinians In Israel ◽  
Second Period

The second period stretches until the outbreak of the first Intifada in 1987, witnessing major social and political transformations in Palestinian society in Israel. Above all, Palestinian novels reflect Palestinian efforts to deal with the implications of their modernization in Israel. Themes regarding social differentiation (individualization, break-up of family structure, and abandoning social and religious institutions) are paramount. Moreover, the renewed contact with the Palestinians in the newly Occupied Territories (the West Bank and Gaza Strip) placed Palestinians in Israel in a perplexing situation. Despite the social reunification of both parts of the Palestinian nation, living on both sides of the Green Line, the two parts mutually acknowledged their distinctive political orientations, thus resulting in excluding Palestinian citizens in Israel from the Palestinian national struggle.

Palestinian Novels In Israel, 1987−2010: United by Alienation

2020 ◽  
pp. 139-207
Author(s):  
Manar H. Makhoul
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
Second Intifada ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
First Intifada ◽  
Palestinians In Israel ◽  
Israeli Occupation

The post-1987 period includes the years of the Intifada, the subsequent peace process, its failure, and the eruption of the second Intifada in the 2000s. This is a politically distinctive period in the life of Palestinians inside (and outside) Israel, in which they start to consider their future in light of a peace process that excludes them from the solution of the Palestinian problem. The first Intifada had a significant impact on Palestinians in Israel, in terms of their sentimental identification with Palestinians in the Occupied Territories and their violent resistance against Israeli occupation. Although Palestinians in Israel did not take part in the uprising, they have undergone a profound transformation in their identification, and begin to associate themselves with the Palestinian national struggle. This tendency continues during the years of the peace process between Israel and the PLO, a process that excluded the Palestinians in Israel from the resolution of the Palestinian problem, further inducing them to consider their future collective status in Israel.

Writing the Intifada Collective Action in the Occupied Territories

1993 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 560-594 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian S. Lustick
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
The Individual

The five-year-old Palestinian uprising, the intifada, was the first of many mass mobilizations against nondemocratic rule to appear in the Middle East, Eastern Europe, East Asia, and the former Soviet Union between 1987 and 1991. Although the Palestinian struggle against Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip is seldom included by the media or by social scientists in their treatments of this putative wave of “democratization,” many studies of the uprising are available. Although largely atheoretic in their construction of the intifada and in their explanations for it, the two general questions posed by most of these authors are familiar to students of collective action and revolution. On the one hand, why did it take twenty years for the Palestinians to launch the uprising? On the other hand, how, in light of the individual costs of participation and the negligible impact of any one person's decision to participate, could it have occurred at all? The work under review provides broad support for recent trends in the analysis of revolution and collection action, while illustrating both the opportunities and the constraints associated with using monographic literature as a data base.

The Occupied Territories

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dov Waxman
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
The Other ◽  
The West ◽  
Public Rhetoric ◽  
The Public ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
West Bank And Gaza

Why are the West Bank and Gaza Strip considered “occupied territories”? The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has always been fought with words as well as weapons. The public rhetoric of both sides, and their respective supporters, has been deliberately formulated to discredit the other side’s claims, delegitimize...

Murder with Impunity: The Construction of Arab Masculinities and Honor Crimes

1970 ◽  
pp. 38-45
Author(s):  
May Abu Jaber
Keyword(s):  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Social Boundaries ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
Male Authority ◽  
Cultural Networks ◽  
Gender Specific

Violence against women (VAW) continues to exist as a pervasive, structural,systematic, and institutionalized violation of women’s basic human rights (UNDivision of Advancement for Women, 2006). It cuts across the boundaries of age, race, class, education, and religion which affect women of all ages and all backgrounds in every corner of the world. Such violence is used to control and subjugate women by instilling a sense of insecurity that keeps them “bound to the home, economically exploited and socially suppressed” (Mathu, 2008, p. 65). It is estimated that one out of every five women worldwide will be abused during her lifetime with rates reaching up to 70 percent in some countries (WHO, 2005). Whether this abuse is perpetrated by the state and its agents, by family members, or even by strangers, VAW is closely related to the regulation of sexuality in a gender specific (patriarchal) manner. This regulation is, on the one hand, maintained through the implementation of strict cultural, communal, and religious norms, and on the other hand, through particular legal measures that sustain these norms. Therefore, religious institutions, the media, the family/tribe, cultural networks, and the legal system continually disciplinewomen’s sexuality and punish those women (and in some instances men) who have transgressed or allegedly contravened the social boundaries of ‘appropriateness’ as delineated by each society. Such women/men may include lesbians/gays, women who appear ‘too masculine’ or men who appear ‘too feminine,’ women who try to exercise their rights freely or men who do not assert their rights as ‘real men’ should, women/men who have been sexually assaulted or raped, and women/men who challenge male/older male authority.

Dangerous vulnerability: Simultaneous prohibition and coercion in Palestinian-Israeli single mothers’ relationships with men

2021 ◽  
pp. 026540752110514
Author(s):  
Einat Lavee ◽  
Tal Meler ◽  
Madlen Shamshoum
Keyword(s):  
Single Mothers ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Social Processes ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
Women Migrants ◽  
Systematic Analysis ◽  
The Social ◽  
Domestic Affairs ◽  
Depth Interviews

The objective of this study is to broaden understanding of how vulnerability is shaped more by social, cultural, and religious institutions than by individual life circumstances, exploring the case of Palestinian-Israeli single mothers’ relationships with men. Research often determines the vulnerability of a group, such as women migrants from an ethnic minority, by specific demographic characteristics. This common assumption has been challenged by calls to understand vulnerability as social processes intersecting with the action of the state and other social institutions. The study provides a nuanced examination of the social processes through which Palestinian-Israeli single mothers are simultaneously forbidden from and coerced into having relationships with men, drawing on a systematic analysis of data from semi-structured, in-depth interviews of 36 Palestinian-Israeli single mothers. The analysis exposed several mechanisms which forbid single mothers from having relationships with men, alongside mechanisms that permit, often even coerce, such relationships. These mechanisms are embedded in interrelated structural factors—massive differences in gender power relations, vast gender economic disparities, inability of most single mothers to support their families independently, and state policy of non-intervention in domestic affairs of ethnic minorities, and create a state of “dangerous vulnerability.”

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