Palestinian Novels In Israel, 1987−2010: United by Alienation

2020 ◽  
pp. 139-207
Author(s):  
Manar H. Makhoul
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
Second Intifada ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
First Intifada ◽  
Palestinians In Israel ◽  
Israeli Occupation

The post-1987 period includes the years of the Intifada, the subsequent peace process, its failure, and the eruption of the second Intifada in the 2000s. This is a politically distinctive period in the life of Palestinians inside (and outside) Israel, in which they start to consider their future in light of a peace process that excludes them from the solution of the Palestinian problem. The first Intifada had a significant impact on Palestinians in Israel, in terms of their sentimental identification with Palestinians in the Occupied Territories and their violent resistance against Israeli occupation. Although Palestinians in Israel did not take part in the uprising, they have undergone a profound transformation in their identification, and begin to associate themselves with the Palestinian national struggle. This tendency continues during the years of the peace process between Israel and the PLO, a process that excluded the Palestinians in Israel from the resolution of the Palestinian problem, further inducing them to consider their future collective status in Israel.

The Oslo Accords: A Common Savior for Israel and the PLO in Exile?

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Substantial Impact ◽  
Civilian Population ◽  
Oslo Accords ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
First Intifada ◽  
Israeli Occupation

This chapter explores additional explanations for the negotiations resulting in the Oslo Accords. The dynamics within the Palestinian polity in general and in the Occupied Territories in particular changed dramatically after the Israeli occupation in 1967, and even more with the outbreak of the first Intifada in 1987. The overarching question in this chapter is the extent to which these developments had a substantial impact on the parties, not only the Palestinians but also the Israelis, leading them more actively to engage in dialogue. The chapter also looks at the possible outcome of these negotiations in relation to these changes in the Palestinian polity, not least for the Palestinian leadership. Its role as a guarantor for the security of Israel rather than the security of the Palestinian people has remained a paradox for the civilian population, victims of indiscriminate shelling and extensive house demolitions. A closer look at the elections of 2006 may broaden our understanding of these dynamics and how they developed in the aftermath of the accords.

Postmodernisations, 1967−1987

2020 ◽  
pp. 67-138
Author(s):  
Manar H. Makhoul
Keyword(s):  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
First Intifada ◽  
Palestinians In Israel ◽  
Second Period

The second period stretches until the outbreak of the first Intifada in 1987, witnessing major social and political transformations in Palestinian society in Israel. Above all, Palestinian novels reflect Palestinian efforts to deal with the implications of their modernization in Israel. Themes regarding social differentiation (individualization, break-up of family structure, and abandoning social and religious institutions) are paramount. Moreover, the renewed contact with the Palestinians in the newly Occupied Territories (the West Bank and Gaza Strip) placed Palestinians in Israel in a perplexing situation. Despite the social reunification of both parts of the Palestinian nation, living on both sides of the Green Line, the two parts mutually acknowledged their distinctive political orientations, thus resulting in excluding Palestinian citizens in Israel from the Palestinian national struggle.

Desecularization of the Palestinian Imagination? Reflections on Nation-Ness and Fragmentation

2011 ◽  
Vol 55 (10) ◽  
pp. 1379-1394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Hovsepian
Keyword(s):  
Main Process ◽  
Freedom Of Movement ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
The Right ◽  
Israeli Occupation

The main process that gives meaning to belonging to the Palestinian nation concerns the everyday encounters with Israeli policies that dictate Palestinian lives. The escalating fragmentation of the occupied territories since the mid-1990s and the control of the most basic right, the right of freedom of movement, continue to shape Palestinian nation-ness in the context of a struggle to end the Israeli occupation.

New Media and Political Change in the Occupied Palestinian Territories: Assembling Media Worlds and Cultivating Networks of Care

2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amahl Bishara
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
News Media ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
Media Environment ◽  
Broadcast Media ◽  
Palestinian Territories ◽  
Technological Advances ◽  
Second Intifada ◽  
The Media ◽  
First Intifada

AbstractIn terms of infrastructure and technology, the media environment of Palestinians in the Occupied Territories developed extensively between the first and second Intifadas. Yet the media environment of the second Intifada was not necessarily more conducive to democratic change than that of the first. This paper argues that technological advances must be evaluated in their political contexts, and that the Palestinian context offers insight into what news media can do when they are not necessarily forums for an effective public sphere. For decades, Palestinians have assembled their media world out of other states' media, and a diverse collection of small and large media. This active process of assembly has itself constituted a productive field of political contestation. During the first Intifada, having no broadcast media or uncensored newspapers, Palestinians relied on small media like graffiti to evade Israeli restrictions. During the Oslo period, the Palestinian Authority (PA) established official Palestinian broadcast media, while Palestinian entrepreneurs opened broadcasting stations and Internet news sites. During the second Intifada, with Palestinian news media hampered by continued PA restrictions and intensified Israeli violence, small and new media enabled networks of care and connection, but were not widely effective tools for political organizing.

The Retribution of Identity: Colonial Politics in Fauda

AJS Review ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Omri Ben-Yehuda
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Multilayered Structure ◽  
The State ◽  
Vicious Circle ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Suicide Bombings ◽  
Second Intifada ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
A Site ◽  
State Of Israel

In its first season, Israeli television thriller Fauda proclaimed an utter symmetry between Israel “proper” and its Occupied Territories, by humanizing Hamas militants and treating them as equals to the Israeli characters. Throughout the story the Jewish warrior's body becomes a site for the detonation of explosives and a potential vehicle for suicide bombings, in a false but intriguing reenactment of the trauma of the second intifada, which has been repressed in Israeli consciousness. In this unwitting manifestation of Jewish martyrdom, the façade of the rule of law in the State of Israel is dismantled in what seems like a religious battle between clans. The discourse of pain in the series suggests a stream of constant retribution in a vicious circle that can never historicize the allegedly eternal conflict and work through its traumatic residues. Nonetheless, this dynamic of retribution and martyrdom also informs a multilayered structure whereby the secular, modern Jew returns to his roots by engaging with Arabness in the theatre of mistaʿaravim: in becoming Arab he also becomes, finally, a Jew.

Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
David Kretzmer ◽  
Yaël Ronen
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Political System ◽  
Public Image ◽  
The West ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
Israeli Supreme Court ◽  
General Record ◽  
Israeli Occupation

This chapter describes the background to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza in 1967, and changes that have taken place in these territories since then. It provides a profile of the Israeli Supreme Court—its composition, function, and record; and discusses factors that affect its role in reviewing petitions from Palestinian residents of the Occupied Territories, including the Court’s public image, its position in the Israeli political system, and its general record in matters relating to judicial review of government action. The chapter concludes by reviewing changes in the actual regime in the Occupied Territories that question its characterisation as a regime of belligerent occupation.

Where Have All the Women (and Men) Gone?

2001 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Penny Johnson ◽  
Eileen Kuttab
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Authoritarian Populism ◽  
Gender And Age ◽  
Second Intifada ◽  
Palestinian Population ◽  
Palestinian Nationalism ◽  
Interim Period ◽  
Israeli Occupation

The authors ground their reflections on gender and the complex realities of the second Palestinian intifada against Israeli occupation in the political processes unleashed by the signing of the Israeli–Palestinian rule, noting that the profound inequalities between Israel and Palestine during the interim period produced inequalities among Palestinians. The apartheid logic of the Oslo period – made explicit in Israel's policies of separation, seige and confinement of the Palestinian population during the intifada and before it – is shown to shape the forms, sites and levels of resistance which are highly restricted by gender and age. In addition, the authors argue that the Palestinian Authority and leadership have solved the contradictions and crisis of Palestinian nationalism in this period through a form of rule that the authors term ‘authoritarian populism’, that tends to disallow democractic politics and participation. The seeming absence of women and civil society from the highly unequal and violent confrontations is contrasted with the first Palestinian intifada (1987–91), that occurred in a context of more than a decade of democratic activism and the growth of mass-based organizations, including the Palestinian women's movement. The authors explore three linked crises in gender roles emerging from the conditions of the second intifada: a crisis in masculinity, a crisis in paternity and a crisis in maternity.

Variations in Height, Weight and Body Mass Index According to Generation, Place of Residence and Region in Palestinian Territories

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nihal Natour ◽  
Manal Badrasawi ◽  
Mariam Al-Tell
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Multiple Regression Model ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Place Of Residence ◽  
Palestinian Territories ◽  
Pooled Data ◽  
Second Intifada ◽  
First Intifada ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract Introduction: The relationship between second intifada and risk factors of chronic diseases was not studied before in PalestineAims: The aims of this study is to describe differences in height , weight and BMI between different generations of Palestinians who were born at different times in the armed conflict. Also we wanted to know whether weight and height in West Bank follow any social pattern.Methods: This study was retrospective analysis of pooled data from many previous studies where participants reported their weight, height, place of residence, region in west bank and income.Results: Almost 61% of our study were females. Among female 12.8% were born before first intifada, 6.4% around first Intifada and 80.8% were born around second intifada. For males; 12.2% before first intifada, 5.7% around first intifada and 82.9% around second intifada. The generation born around second intifada had 12 cm higher height relative to generation before first intifada, 5 cm more height relative to first intifada generation (p=0.001), whereas females born before intifada had 20 Kg more weight than the generation of second intifada (p< 0.0001). In multiple regression model done for the second intifada generation weight and height were related to place of residence and income and age significantly.Conclusion: Political conflict have detrimental consequence on Palestinians wellbeing

scholarly journals International administration In Donbas: ways of implementation on the basis of experience of peacekeeping processes in the Balkans and in East Timor

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-143
Author(s):  
Andrii Razmietaiev
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
East Timor ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
Peacekeeping Missions

The article discusses the experience of creation of peacekeeping missions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, Kosovo and East Timor with the use of comparative method. It also raises the role of international and regional actors in post-conflict peacebuilding. The author presents some practical solutions for the implementation of the effective peace process in eastern Ukraine, aimed at the reintegration of temporarily occupied territories.

The Israeli Political Arena and Palestinian Contention: The Case of the ‘First’ Intifada

2007 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-453 ◽  
Author(s):  
EITAN Y. ALIMI
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Analysis Data ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
The World ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Run Up ◽  
First Intifada

Are changes in political conditions objective features of the world or are they ultimately what social movement activists and adherents make of them? The position taken in this article argues that shifts in the Israeli structure of political opportunity, manifested in a series of transformative events, were framed by the Palestinians within the occupied territories as a political opportunity affecting their strategy of contention during the run up to the 1987 ‘first’ Intifada. Findings from content analysis data obtained from several Palestinian newspapers between 1974 and 1986 suggest that (a) the Palestinians collectively perceived Israeli domestic events as favourable political circumstances, and (b) their mutual interpretation of Israeli events as a reflection of divisions over the occupation was associated with rationalizing contention. Theoretical implications of bridging the culturally and structurally laden approaches to the study of collective action are offered.

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