Writing the Intifada Collective Action in the Occupied Territories

1993 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 560-594 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian S. Lustick
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
The Individual

The five-year-old Palestinian uprising, the intifada, was the first of many mass mobilizations against nondemocratic rule to appear in the Middle East, Eastern Europe, East Asia, and the former Soviet Union between 1987 and 1991. Although the Palestinian struggle against Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip is seldom included by the media or by social scientists in their treatments of this putative wave of “democratization,” many studies of the uprising are available. Although largely atheoretic in their construction of the intifada and in their explanations for it, the two general questions posed by most of these authors are familiar to students of collective action and revolution. On the one hand, why did it take twenty years for the Palestinians to launch the uprising? On the other hand, how, in light of the individual costs of participation and the negligible impact of any one person's decision to participate, could it have occurred at all? The work under review provides broad support for recent trends in the analysis of revolution and collection action, while illustrating both the opportunities and the constraints associated with using monographic literature as a data base.

scholarly journals “As quiet as a mouse”: Media use in Azerbaijan

2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (s1) ◽  
pp. 893-911
Author(s):  
Ilgar Seyidov
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Media Use ◽  
Structured Interview ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Media System ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Supportive Role ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One

AbstractDuring the Soviet period, the media served as one of the main propagandist tools of the authoritarian regime, using a standardized and monotype media system across the Soviet Republics. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, 15 countries became independent. The transition from Soviet communism to capitalism has led to the reconstruction of economic, socio-cultural, and political systems. One of the most affected institutions in post-Soviet countries was the media. Media have played a supportive role during rough times, when there was, on the one hand, the struggle for liberation and sovereignty, and, on the other hand, the need for nation building. It has been almost 30 years since the Soviet Republics achieved independence, yet the media have not been freed from political control and continue to serve as ideological apparatuses of authoritarian regimes in post-Soviet countries. Freedom of speech and independent media are still under threat. The current study focuses on media use in Azerbaijan, one of the under-researched post-Soviet countries. The interviews for this study were conducted with 40 participants living in Nakhichevan and Baku. In-depth, semi-structured interview techniques were used as research method. Findings are discussed under six main themes in the conclusion.

Institutional Change in the East German Transformation Process: The Role of the State in the Reorganization of Property Rights and the Limits of Institutional Transfer

2000 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 13-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerhard Lehmbruch
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Institutional Change ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Transformation Process ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Transfer Payments ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
East German ◽  
Eastern European Countries

German social scientists have often stressed that the East German transformation was a process sui generis that differed strongly from the transformation paths of eastern European countries. This difference was of course mainly due to the integration of the former GDR into the Federal Republic of (West) Germany. Indeed, it is commonly assumed that the wholesale transfer of West German institutions left little room for the endogenous paths of transformation observed in eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. The unintended outcome of this strategy of “exogenous” institutional change was a transformation crisis with the effect of a profound external shock. To be sure, this shock was mitigated by the simultaneous introduction of the West German “social net,” accompanied by massive transfer payments. But many of the dire predictions made by skeptical observers in 1990 have indeed come true.

scholarly journals Armenia as a Regional Centre for Astronomy for Development activities

2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (H16) ◽  
pp. 565-565
Author(s):  
A. Mickaelian
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Development Organization ◽  
East Region ◽  
Promotional Materials ◽  
Summer Schools ◽  
The One ◽  
Middle East Region ◽  
Virtual Observatories ◽  
Observational Instruments

AbstractThe Byurakan Astrophysical Observatory (BAO, Armenia, http://www.bao.am) are among the candidate IAU Regional Nodes for Astronomy for Development activities. It is one of the main astronomical centers of the former Soviet Union and the Middle East region. At present there are 48 qualified researchers at BAO, including six Doctors of Science and 30 PhDs. Five important observational instruments are installed at BAO, the larger ones being 2.6m Cassegrain (ZTA-2.6) and 1m Schmidt (the one that provided the famous Markarian survey). BAO is regarded as a national scientific-educational center, where a number of activities are being organized, such as: international conferences (4 IAU symposia and 1 IAU colloquium, JENAM-2007, etc.), small workshops and discussions, international summer schools (1987, 2006, 2008 and 2010), and Olympiads. BAO collaborates with scientists from many countries. The Armenian Astronomical Society (ArAS, http://www.aras.am/) is an NGO founded in 2001; it has 93 members and it is rather active in the organization of educational, amateur, popular, promotional and other matters. The Armenian Virtual Observatory (ArVO, http://www.aras.am/Arvo/arvo.htm) is one of the 17 national VO projects forming the International Virtual Observatories Alliance (IVOA) and is the only VO project in the region serving also for educational purposes. A number of activities are planned, such as management, coordination and evaluation of the IAU programs in the area of development and education, establishment of the new IAU endowed lectureship program and organization of seminars and public lectures, coordination and initiation of fundraising activities for astronomy development, organization of regional scientific symposia, conferences and workshops, support to Galileo Teacher Training Program (GTTP), production/publication of educational and promotional materials, etc.

scholarly journals Uzbekistan: Higher Education Reforms and the Changing Landscape Since Independence

2018 ◽  
pp. 435-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kobil Ruziev ◽  
Umar Burkhanov
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Transition Process ◽  
Access To Higher Education ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Higher Education Reforms ◽  
Quality Of Higher Education ◽  
Complex Interactions ◽  
The One

AbstractThis chapter is the first study that carefully documents higher education (HE) reforms in Uzbekistan since the demise of the former Soviet Union. It analyses evolution of the sector with clear emphasis on government policy and its impact on changing the country’s higher education landscape since independence. The study highlights complex interactions between the distinct pre- and post-independence contexts, policy legislation and its implementation on the one hand, and the demands of the new market-based economic system and the requirements of building and strengthening state institutions to support the transition process on the other hand. The paper will show why the country’s peculiar ‘strictly top-down’ approach to reforms has not been successful in improving a number of key areas including access to higher education, and human as well as physical capacities of higher education institutions which ultimately determine the quality of higher education provisioning.

scholarly journals Do shared values promote social cohesion? If so, which? Evidence from Denmark

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen N. Breidahl ◽  
Nils Holtug ◽  
Kristian Kongshøj
Keyword(s):  
Social Cohesion ◽  
Shared Values ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Community Values ◽  
Liberal Nationalism ◽  
National Values ◽  
Liberal Citizenship ◽  
The One ◽  
The Individual

Social scientists and political theorists often claim that shared values are conducive to social cohesion, and trust and solidarity in particular. Furthermore, this idea is at the heart of what has been labeled the ‘national identity argument’, according to which religious and/or cultural diversity is a threat to the shared (national) values underpinning social cohesion and redistributive justice. However, there is no consensus among political theorists about what values we need to share to foster social cohesion and indeed, for example, nationalists, liberals, and multiculturalists provide different answers to this question. On the basis of a survey conducted in Denmark in 2014, this study empirically investigates the relation between, on the one hand, commitments to the community values of respectively conservative nationalism, liberal nationalism, liberal citizenship, and multiculturalism, and on the other, trust and solidarity. First, we investigate in what ways commitments to these four sets of values are correlated to trust and solidarity at the individual level and, then, whether the belief that others share one’s values is correlated to these aspects of social cohesion for individuals committed to these four sets of values. We find that conservative and liberal nationalism are negatively correlated to our different measures of trust and solidarity, whereas liberal citizenship and (in particular) multiculturalism are positively correlated. In broad terms, this picture remains when we control for a number of socio-economic factors and ideology (on a left-right scale). Finally, individuals who believe that others share their values do not, in general, have higher levels of trust and solidarity. Rather, this belief works in different ways when associated with different sets of community values.

scholarly journals Žiniasklaida užsienio kalbomis Lietuvoje: ką renkasi vartotojai

2009 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 144-159
Author(s):  
Laima Nevinskaitė
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Foreign Languages ◽  
Printed Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
Foreign Media ◽  
Watching Tv ◽  
Media Choices

Straipsnyje pateikiama žiniasklaidos užsienio kalbomis pasirinkimo tarp Lietuvos didmiesčių gyventojų lietuvių analizė, atlikta remiantis reprezentatyvios šių miestų gyventojų apklausos duomenimis. Daugiausiai dėmesio skiriama žiniasklaidos rusų ir anglų kalbomis pasirinkimo analizei: kaip dažnai mokantys rusų ir (ar) anglų kalbas renkasi žiniasklaidą šiomis kalbomis, kaip šie pasirinkimai yra pasiskirstę tarp amžiaus grupių, koks žiniasklaidos užsienio kalbomis vartojimo dažnumas, palyginti su kitomis kalbų vartojimo sritimis. Remiantis skirtingais teoriniais požiūriais į kalbos ir tapatybės santykį, žiniasklaidos užsienio kalbomis vartojimą galima vertinti dvejopai: kaip kultūrinės, lingvistinės ir politinės įtakos šaltinį arba tiesiog vartotojo galimybių rinktis jo poreikius tenkinantį žiniasklaidos turinį išplėtimą.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: žiniasklaidos vartojimas, žiniasklaida užsienio kalbomis, globalizacija.Media in Foreign Languages in Lithuania: Consumer ChoicesLaima Nevinskaitė SummaryThe author analyses the use of media in foreign languages, mostly Russian and English, among Lithuanians living in the main cities of Lithuania (Vilnius, Kaunas and Klaipeda). The analysis is based on data of a representative survey on the knowledge of languages and their use in these cities, performed within the research project “Cities and Languages” by Vilnius Universit).The use of media in foreign languages is important in several respects, which are discussed in the article. First, it can be regarded as a source of cultural and linguistic influence within the context of cultural and linguistic globalisation. In Lithuania and in other former Soviet Union states, media in Russian are also treated as a potential source of political influence. Second, it is important in respect of media market, since foreign media can be regarded as a source of a wider content choice for media consumer.Results of the analysis have shown that a significant part of Lithuanians (up to 40 per cent) frequently use media in foreign languages, although the number of frequent users still lags behind the amount of those who use the media in Lithuanian. The data show a wider knowledge of Russian and generally a wider use of mass media in Russian. Russian is used more often than English as a language for listening radio and watching TV; the use of printed media (books and periodicals) in Russian is higher, but close to that in English; English is much wider used as a language of the internet use. The trends are clearly more positive for English, since it is more popular among young people, even among those who know Russian as well. The article includes a further analysis of media choices among those who know the languages in question, these choices among the age groups, and the frequency of media use in foreign languages in comparison to the use of those languages in other domains.

Arab-Israeli Wars and US Foreign Relations

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seth Anziska
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
International Conflicts ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War

American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict has reflected dueling impulses at the heart of US-Middle East relations since World War II: growing support for Zionism and Israeli statehood on the one hand, the need for cheap oil resources and strong alliances with Arab states on the other, unfolding alongside the ebb and flow of concerns over Soviet influence in the region during the Cold War. These tensions have tracked with successive Arab–Israeli conflagrations, from the 1948 war through the international conflicts of 1967 and 1973, as well as shifting modes of intervention in Lebanon, and more recently, the Palestinian uprisings in the occupied territories and several wars on the Gaza Strip. US policy has been shaped by diverging priorities in domestic and foreign policy, a halting recognition of the need to tackle Palestinian national aspirations, and a burgeoning peace process which has drawn American diplomats into the position of mediating between the parties. Against the backdrop of regional upheaval, this long history of involvement continues into the 21st century as the unresolved conflict between Israel and the Arab world faces a host of new challenges.

Pulling up the Drawbridge

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-136
Author(s):  
Michael A. Hansen ◽  
Jonathan Olsen
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Political Refugees ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
The Media ◽  
Russian Germans ◽  
Alternative For Germany

The most recent scholarship on the Alternative for Germany (AfD) indicates that citizens primarily cast a vote for the party based on anti-immigrant or xenophobic attitudes. Nevertheless, prominent figures from the AfD suggest that many Germany citizens with immigrant backgrounds vote for it—an argument that has been picked up by the media. In this article, we investigate the most likely potential constituency of immigrants that might support the AfD: ethnic German migrants from the former Soviet Union, so-called Russian-Germans. Using the 2017 Immigrant German Election Study (imges), we find that these ethnic German migrants from the former Soviet Union indeed voted for the AfD in relatively large numbers when compared to the overall population. Furthermore, when predicting vote choice, we find that the main predictor of voting for the AfD among Russian-Germans is not political ideology but rather a simple hostility towards new refugees. Crucially, migrants with a Soviet background are more likely to vote for the AfD if they hold the position that there should be no economic or political refugees allowed into the country.

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