Murder with Impunity: The Construction of Arab Masculinities and Honor Crimes

1970 ◽  
pp. 38-45
Author(s):  
May Abu Jaber

Violence against women (VAW) continues to exist as a pervasive, structural,systematic, and institutionalized violation of women’s basic human rights (UNDivision of Advancement for Women, 2006). It cuts across the boundaries of age, race, class, education, and religion which affect women of all ages and all backgrounds in every corner of the world. Such violence is used to control and subjugate women by instilling a sense of insecurity that keeps them “bound to the home, economically exploited and socially suppressed” (Mathu, 2008, p. 65). It is estimated that one out of every five women worldwide will be abused during her lifetime with rates reaching up to 70 percent in some countries (WHO, 2005). Whether this abuse is perpetrated by the state and its agents, by family members, or even by strangers, VAW is closely related to the regulation of sexuality in a gender specific (patriarchal) manner. This regulation is, on the one hand, maintained through the implementation of strict cultural, communal, and religious norms, and on the other hand, through particular legal measures that sustain these norms. Therefore, religious institutions, the media, the family/tribe, cultural networks, and the legal system continually disciplinewomen’s sexuality and punish those women (and in some instances men) who have transgressed or allegedly contravened the social boundaries of ‘appropriateness’ as delineated by each society. Such women/men may include lesbians/gays, women who appear ‘too masculine’ or men who appear ‘too feminine,’ women who try to exercise their rights freely or men who do not assert their rights as ‘real men’ should, women/men who have been sexually assaulted or raped, and women/men who challenge male/older male authority.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adeniyi Olasunkanmi Temowo

Literature revealed limited empirical studies on honour killing in Canada. The recent cases drew attention from the media, and the public but less from the academic. Discussion on this issue revolved around immigration, multiculturalism, and violence against immigrant women. Also, it is a manifestation of patriarchy common in most societies, and a form of violence against women not exclusive to one culture but deeply rooted in culture and religion. It is not always the sexual behaviour of the victim that define the 'family honour ‘. Murder, sometimes, is a result of women not following the social rules or the gender norms in the family and the men act to preserve their reputation. To understand honour killing, we need to consider the multiple ources of oppression and think of their intersections and how they affect each other and are intertwined. Keywords: honour, honour killing, Newspapers, violence against immigrant women, culture, Islam, Muslim


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adeniyi Olasunkanmi Temowo

Literature revealed limited empirical studies on honour killing in Canada. The recent cases drew attention from the media, and the public but less from the academic. Discussion on this issue revolved around immigration, multiculturalism, and violence against immigrant women. Also, it is a manifestation of patriarchy common in most societies, and a form of violence against women not exclusive to one culture but deeply rooted in culture and religion. It is not always the sexual behaviour of the victim that define the 'family honour ‘. Murder, sometimes, is a result of women not following the social rules or the gender norms in the family and the men act to preserve their reputation. To understand honour killing, we need to consider the multiple ources of oppression and think of their intersections and how they affect each other and are intertwined. Keywords: honour, honour killing, Newspapers, violence against immigrant women, culture, Islam, Muslim


2020 ◽  
Vol 136 (2) ◽  
pp. 538-566
Author(s):  
Sandra Issel-Dombert

AbstractFrom a theoretical and empirical linguistic point of view, this paper emphasizes the importance of the relationship between populism and the media. The aim of this article is to explore the language use of the Spanish right wing populism party Vox on the basis of its multimodal postings on the social network Instagram. For the analysis of their Instagram account, a suitable multimodal discourse analysis (MDA) provides a variety of methods and allows a theoretical integration into constructivism. A hashtag-analysis reveals that Vox’s ideology consists of a nativist and ethnocentric nationalism on the one hand and conservatism on the other. With a topos analysis, the linguistic realisations of these core elements are illustrated with two case studies.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Shedyakov ◽  

Optimizing transformations during the transition period requires the use of the entire multilateral system of mechanisms to protect national interests. The state occupies an essential place, in particular, the establishment of forms of public-private partnership in coordinating diverse initiatives and creative searches. At the same time, on the one hand, the independence and security of development force them to predominantly rely on their own forces. On the other hand, the refusal to unify the social structure (in particular, statehood) makes it easier to increase efficiency, flexibility and adaptability while maintaining loyalty to national foundations and traditions. The two most noticeable trends in the transformation of the state structure are the strengthening of totalitarian-corporate characteristics or features of democracy. Accordingly, the depersonalization of responsibility – or its embodiment in specific leaders is realizing. At the same time, as you know, selection and promotion in the corporate sector has nothing to do with democracy. And the processes of pathologizing political and economic life may imply a departure from general, direct, secret and equal elections to senior government positions, and include broad manipulative capabilities of the media sphere.


Teknokultura ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-228
Author(s):  
Laura Martínez-Jiménez ◽  
Belén Zurbano-Berenguer

Gender violence has gradually become a public issue and a matter of State concern under permanent discussion in the Spanish media. Its increasing visibility has stimulated social and political awareness, but has also given rise to controversies, which are especially manifested in the digital environment. In this environment, meanings are built and expressed not only by the media, but also by online audiences participating through various mechanisms. This work observes the dynamics of the readers’ views on gender violence, as expressed in a politically progressive born-digital medium like eldiario.es. A sample of 716 comments to articles on gender violence published by this online newspaper are analyzed. A quantitative analysis shows a male-dominated participation of readers who are not subscribed to the site and whose views are contrary to those of eldiario.es’ editorial charter and its commitment to equality. A qualitative analysis of the contents of those comments reveals the recurring use of the feminist-antifeminist dichotomy in the debate, as well as a questioning of the scientific nature, purpose and suitability of feminism for the eradication of gender violence. Finally, the promotion of a genuine democratic debate in digital sites as the one here analyzed is discussed in light of women’s notable underrepresentation in the debate and of the possible misuse of participation as a means to perpetrate symbolic violence against women.


2005 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ludo Van der Heyden ◽  
Christine Blondel ◽  
Randel S. Carlock

The social science and business literatures on procedural justice or fair process attest that improvements in procedural fairness can be expected to improve both a firm's performance and the commitment and trust of the individuals involved with it. This article examines the relevance of procedural justice for family business. When a family is an influential component of a particular business system, the application of justice is typically rendered more complex than might be the case for nonfamily firms. Different criteria (need, merit, and equality) guide the application of distributive justice among families, firms, and shareholders. This divergence in criterion also lies at the heart of many conflicts inside the family business. In this article, we argue that the application of procedural justice reduces occurrences of conflict and, in some cases, may eliminate conflict altogether. We propose a definition of fair process that extends and enriches the one existing in the literature. We offer five fundamental criteria essential to the effectiveness of fair process in family firms. We conclude with a series of case studies that illustrate typical questions faced inside family businesses. We show that a lack of fairness in the decision and managerial processes governing these businesses and their associated families is a source of conflict. We describe how increasing fair process practices improves the performance of these businesses while also increasing the satisfaction of those associated with them.


1988 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Wilson ◽  
Ray Pahl

Recent attempts to announce the death of the family as a useful analytical category for sociologists are rebutted as being premature. The tendency to view household relations as family relations or, indeed, couple or gender relations as family relations seems to have arisen in the early 1970s. Earlier attempts to construct an empirically grounded analysis of family relationships have been curiously neglected. An account of one family on the Isle of Sheppey in Kent provides some illustrative ethnography on both the positive uses of family members – particularly siblings – and on the way the social boundaries of this family are constructed by its members. It is argued that the family is best understood as a system of relationships that change over time. There is a curious lack of systematic ethnography of contemporary family relationships so that what is taught to students as the sociology of the family may be widely at variance with their own personal experience. This may be partly a result of relying too much on random surveys of households at the expense of detailed explorations of existing patterns of social relationships and social meanings. Developing theoretical arguments on the basis of inadequate or inappropriate ethnography is evidently a dangerous and misleading exercise.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Hamzah

Corruption is an extraordinary crime that can threaten the survival of many people's lives. Therefore, the existence of corruption must be prevented and eradicated at its roots. Corruption occurs through complex factors, not only caused by structural but also cultural factors. Therefore, the eradication of corruption is not enough in the structural measures such as punishment, but need to extendto other penalties such as social sanction. This study is a descriptive qualitative study with library techniques. The theoretical perspective used in this study is the theory of sociology of corruption; social control theory. In general, the findings of this study include an explanation of the dynamics of corruption in Indonesia, as well as the role and strategic function of social punishment for eradicating corruption in Indonesia. Sociologically, the role and strategic function of social punishment in an effort to maximize the eradication of corruption can be done by building synergy between all social structures of society. The social structure in question is the family, tradition, law enforcement, education, and religious institutions.


Author(s):  
Inés Moreno Martín-Pozuelo

Resumen. Durante los últimos años, el concepto de terrorismo machista ha cobrado un importante protagonismo en los medios de comunicación como vía para informar de los crímenes cometidos en el ámbito de la ley de violencia de género, si bien dicho uso del término no ha venido acompañado de un análisis jurídico del mismo. Por otra parte, la emergencia de conceptos como femicidio y la concienciación social respecto a la vinculación de las agresiones sexuales con el patriarcado como sistema social de dominación ponen de manifiesto la necesi­dad de reconsiderar de qué forma se configura la violencia contra la mujer en el sistema penal actual. Desde una metodología analítica, esta investigación se propone analizar los fundamen­tos jurídicos para entender la violencia contra la mujer como una forma de terrorismo.Palabras clave: violencia de género, terrorismo, femicidio, feminicidio, género, terrorismo machista.Abstract. During the last years, the concept of sexist terrorism has gained presence in the media as a way to inform about the commission of crimes against women. However, the use of this concept lacks in providing a legal analysis. On the other side, the emergency of no­tions such as femicide and the social acknowledgement of sexual aggressions as a consequence of the patriarchy brings to light the need to redefine in which way those crimes are considered under the criminal law system. This research aims to analyze the legal founds in order to con­sider violence against women as a form of terrorism.Keywords: gender violence, terrorism, femicide, feminicide, gender, sexist terrorism.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Birgir Guðmundsson

The discussion on media self-censorship has flourished in Iceland after the attacks on the Charlie Hebdo editorial offices in January 2015 and after some dramatic changes in the top management and owner-groups of some of the media firms. But what is this experience that journalists describe as self censorship? This paper attempts to answer two main research questions. On the one hand the question how journalists understand the concept of selfcensorship. On the other hand the question: what is the experience of Icelandic journalist of self-censorship? The approach is the one of a qualitative research and is based on interviews with six experienced journalists. The main findings suggest important influence of the social discourse on news and news values of journalists and their tendency for self-censorship. This discourse is partly directed by politicians and influential bloggers and also by a massive discussion by active social media users. Furthermore the findings suggest, that ownership and the location of the particular medium where a journalist works in the lineup of different commercial-political blocks in the media market, is important for self-censorship. Finally it seems that journalists understand the concept selfcensorship in a different manner and that it is important to define the term carefully if it is to be used as an analytical tool.


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