La Campagne présidentielle de 2017 sous le signe (ou au risque) de la télé-réalité

2018 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-227
Author(s):  
Isabelle Veyrat-Masson

The 2017 presidential campaign as seen through the media was not like a ‘horse race’ or a boxing match. This traditional piece of political theatre seemed to desert the well codified world of spectacle to cast itself in a television genre which is both popular and disparaged: reality TV. Locked inside a permanently lit television screen telling the story of the campaign as it unfolds, thanks to rolling news channels, the players in this political adventure became reality TV stars. Themes from private lives dominated, while confessions, revelations and scandals multiplied. Emotion infiltrated everything; candidates were eliminated after a series of obstacles worthy of the producers of Big Brother or Koh Lanta! 2017 was a far cry from the calm and rational competition which might have been hoped for from the media, at this crucial moment in French democracy. A fortuitous consequence of the ‘velvet revolution’ led by Emmanuel Macron, or the beginning of a trend?

1994 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 887-892 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Abelman

This content analysis evaluates political topics and themes of televangelist Pat Robertson's high-profile news program The 700 Club during the early months of the 1992 presidential campaign. Considered the media arm of the Religious Right, this program was found to go against the trend of increasingly political and less religious content observed in earlier analyses of equivalent episodes during the 1983, 1986, and 1989 seasons. In addition, political topics were addressed more neutrally than in the past. The study discusses the possible impact of an increasingly competitive telecommunication environment on religious broadcasters.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 61-72
Author(s):  
Bolu John Folayan ◽  
Olubunmi Ajibade ◽  
Olubunmi Dipo Adedoyin ◽  
Toyin Segun Onayinka ◽  
Toluwani Titilola Folayan

The mass media play at least five basic functions which include news dissemination, surveillance of the environment, correlation of the components of the society, entertainment and transmission of social heritage.  Sometimes, disruptions and impairments do occur in the performance of these roles and some of these basic functions become dysfunctions, which turn the media into purveyor of negative values. The present study investigates how popular the Nigerian TV reality show, Big Brother Naija (BBN), is perceived by its viewers. Three hundred heavy viewers of the programme were surveyed from Lagos and Ede, South-West Nigeria, and their opinions and attitudes were sought regarding; why they like or dislike the programme; the gratifications that those who like the programme derive and whether the BBN, as media content, is generally functional or dysfunctional to the society. Sixty-six per cent 66 (33.7%) of respondents like the programme because it entertains. Half of the respondents, 99(50.5%) dislike ‘immoral aspects’ of the programme. The viewers affirm that the eviction part of the programme was their highest form of gratification.  Most respondents, despite public outcry against the programme, consider the programme to be “functional”. Findings reinforce the postulation that TV viewers are not passive consumers of media contents.


Author(s):  
Ravi Agrawal

In the year 2012, a generation ago in digital technology, the person who generated the most internet searches in India was not a cricketer or a Bollywood star. Nor was it a politician or a religious figure. None of them were close. The person most Indians were curious about that year—as measured by the total number of Google searches—was Canadian-Indian Karenjit Kaur Vohra, a.k.a. Sunny Leone, a former porn star and Penthouse Pet of the Year. It wasn’t the case only in 2012. As hundreds of millions of Indians continued to discover the internet through 2013, 2014, 2015, 2016, and even 2017, Sunny Leone remained the most-searched-for person in India. People simply couldn’t get enough. (Prime Minister Narendra Modi made it to number two in 2014, the year he was elected, but Leone remained the clear favorite.) Prudish, conservative, family-values India . . . and a porn star? Leone was no longer even performing; she had stopped around 2010 and started her own production company with her husband and manager, Daniel Weber. In 2011, she came to India as a guest on the reality TV show Bigg Boss, a local version of the Big Brother franchise. Leone’s appearance was predictably controversial (by design, of course: it was good for the ratings). Although most Indians hadn’t heard of her, it didn’t take long for word to spread: “A porn star—from America—here in India?” At the time, parliamentarian Anurag Thakur complained to the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, arguing that Leone’s presence on a nationally telecast program would “have a negative impact on the mindset of children.” Thakur added: “When children see these porn stars on TV and then do a Google search, it shows a vulgar site. It will have a bad impact in the long run.” There were no laws, however, to stop Leone from appearing on TV. While the production of pornography was officially illegal in India, Leone could justifiably argue she was no longer involved in the industry. She was trying to pivot to general entertainment.


Worldview ◽  
1981 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 13-15
Author(s):  
Sy Syna

Outside a tiny loft on downtown Church Street, a group of people are clustered, hoping for late ticket cancellations for the current production at The Theatre Exchange, a new OffOff Broadway group whose space seats about fifty. The settings and, indeed, the very platform upon which the audience sits are ingeniously fashioned from scrap lumber found along Canal Street. The cast is young, but Alex Demetriev has directed them with such intensity that they successfully capture the spirit and savagery of post W.W.I Germany.On Broadway, Christopher Reeve, formerly of Superman fame, now plays a legless, homosexual Vietnam veteran in a comedy-drama that is part of a series of plays about the Talley family, written by Pulitzer Prize-winner Lanford Wilson. The production is supported by extensive publicity and a full ad campaign in the media.


2010 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 321-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Bohlander

The daily news in England and Wales is full of reports about people who have been arrested, arraigned before a court, convicted and sometimes also acquitted, of some heinous crime or other. Most disturbingly, the suspects are named in full with their address and more often than not their photo will also be printed or broadcast. Their private lives and professional reputation are highly likely to be seriously affected the minute the news is made public, regardless of a later acquittal, which may not come until the Supreme Court decides years after the event. This article queries what open justice can be taken to mean in today's media society, whether the media are in it for the sake of enhancing justice or the sake of enhancing sales. The situation in the UK will be set out using the example of the decision of the UK Supreme Court in the Guardian News case and compared with the German press code of conduct.


Author(s):  
Jennifer Friedlander
Keyword(s):  

This chapter engages with the reality TV show parody The Joe Schmo Show, whose premise rests upon a cast of actors convincing an earnest participant that he is competing in a Big Brother–style reality. It compares The Joe Schmo Show with a series of made-for-TV movies based around “true events” and “real people,” with which it aired contemporaneously. It argues that, unlike docu-dramas which enable viewers to “see through” the fictionalized scene, The Joe Schmo Show functions in an unexpectedly disruptive way. Through setting up a seemingly irresistible scene for “seeing through” the ruse and then exploiting its attendant traps, the show accomplishes the subversive task of undermining the power of the ideological call of mastery associated with the realist form.


Author(s):  
Jennifer Friedlander

This chapter analyzes “Bitte liebt Österreich” (“Please Love Austria”), the controversial public art installation created by the late German conceptual artist and provocateur Christoph Schlingensief. Schlingensief staged a variation on the reality TV show Big Brother, in which asylum seekers were housed in a structure in a public square in Vienna, Austria. Passersby were invited to cast their vote each night for which detainee should be evicted the following day. By staging his intervention as a “game” that borrowed from the familiar “reality TV” genre, Schlingensief invites us to consider the question of whether using a fictional, game-like mode of representation to describe a politically reactionary event may help to subvert it. He thus offers an important twist to the logic which undergirds the position that realistic depictions of revolutionary events can themselves be politically potent.


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