Język polityków czeskich jako przykład mieszania kodów językowych w oficjalnych sytuacjach komunikacyjnych

The Language of Czech Politicians as an Example of Mixing Language Codes in Official Communication SituationsThe topic of this article is the language of politicians from two different cultural and linguistic circles that were active in politics after the Velvet Revolution (1989): Miloš Zeman and Karel Schwarzenberg. On the basis of selected statements from both these politicians, the topics they discuss will be presented using different language codes of the Czech language. This article examines the possibilities hidden in the high variability of the Czech language and the mechanisms of using it in the process of communicating with voters. Język polityków czeskich jako przykład mieszania kodów językowych w oficjalnych sytuacjach komunikacyjnychTematem artykułu jest język polityków pochodzących z dwóch odmiennych kręgów kulturowych oraz językowych, aktywnych w polityce po aksamitnej rewolucji (1989) – Miloša Zemana oraz Karela Schwarzenberga. Na podstawie wybranych wypowiedzi (z ostatnich dziesięciu lat) obu polityków zostaną przedstawione podejmowane przez nich tematy oraz zastosowane do ich prezentacji mieszane gatunki mowy, wykorzystujące różne kody językowe czeszczyzny. Artykuł śledzi możliwości ukryte w dużej wariantywności języka czeskiego oraz mechanizmy wykorzystania jej w procesie komunikowania się z wyborcami.

Non-violent revolutions are believed to take place: A Discourse-Historical analysis of the Armenian Velvet Revolution in Armenian news media

The Velvet Revolution of Armenia, which took place in 2018, was an important event in the history of Armenia and changed the government peacefully by means of large demonstrations, rallies and marches. This historic event was covered by Armenian news media. Our goal here was to do a Discourse-Historical Analysis of the Armenian Velvet Revolution as covered by two Armenian websites: armenpress.am-the governmental website and 168.am-the non-governmental website. In our analysis we identified how the lexicon related to the Armenian Velvet Revolution was negotiated and legitimized by these media, and which discursive strategies were applied. We concluded that ‘Armenpress’ paid more attention to the government’s speeches, discussions, meetings and tried to impose the opinion of the government upon the people. In contrast, ‘168’ tried to present itself as an independent website with a neutral attitude toward the Velvet Revolution but, in reality, as we can conclude from the negative opinions about the Velvet Revolution in the coverage of ‘168’, it also represented the government’s interests. There was also a discursive struggle over the exact meaning of ‘revolution’ and the sense of ‘velvet’ in politics and the academic field that was to some extent introduced by these media.

NIKOLAI ERDMAN: CZECH TRANSLATIONS AND STAGE INTERPRETATIONS

Введение. Представлено восприятие Николая Эрдмана и его драматургических произведений в бывшей Чехословакии и современной Чешской Республике. Исследование сосредоточивается в первую очередь на интерпретации пьес драматурга в чешских переводах и на чешских сценах. Материал и методы. Материалом исследования послужили архивные материалы, программы спектаклей, записи постановок, критические отзывы в периодике, дневники и воспоминания переводчиков, а также публикации о движении малых театров-студий, изданные до 1989 г. Материалы проанализированы с точки зрения переводоведения, театроведения и восприятия постановок зрителями и профессиональными критиками. Результаты и обсуждение. Сатирическая комедия Эрдмана «Самоубийца» была дважды переведена на чешский язык известными чешскими переводчиками Яном Забраной (1967) и Аленой Моравковой (1985). В 1971 г. в бывшей Чехословакии на сцене сатирического театра «Вечерний Брно» была поставлена пьеса «Мандат», а постановка «Самоубийцы» состоялась в 1987 г. Выход в печать в 1985 г. чешского перевода этой пьесы, выполненного Аленой Моравковой, на три года опередил советскую публикацию оригинала. Исследование также отражает самые значимые чешские постановки пьес Эрдмана до и после Бархатной революции. Заключение. Анализ переводов и сценических интерпретаций доказывает, что и восемьдесят лет спустя сатирические произведения Н. Эрдмана являются актуальными произведениями, глубокое гуманистическое и философское содержание которых находит отклик у современного зрителя. Как и до 1989 г., когда пьесы ставились в так называемых малых театрах-студиях, и в современности наибольший интерес к пьесам Эрдмана проявляют небольшие сцены, студенческие коллективы и любительские театры. Важно отметить, что темы, подчеркиваемые в сценических интерпретациях чешскими постановщиками до и после Бархатной революции, принципиально отличаются. Introduction. This paper aims to present the perception of Nikolai Erdman and his plays in the former Czechoslovakia and the modern Czech Republic. The article primarily focuses on the interpretation of Erdman’s plays in Czech translations and on Czech stages. Materials and methods. The research was based on the study of archival sources, such as programs for theatre productions, recordings of performances, critical responses in periodicals, translators’ diaries and memoirs, as well as post-1989 publications on the small theatre movement, etc. Theatre productions and their reception by the public and professional critics were analysed. The materials were also subjected to translational analysis. Results and discussion. Erdman’s satirical comedy The Suicide has been translated into Czech twice by renowned Czech translators Jan Zábrana (1967) and Alena Morávková (1985). In 1971, The Mandate was staged at the satirical theatre Večerní Brno (Evening Brno), which was the first production of Erdman’s plays in the former Czechoslovakia. The Suicide was staged in 1987. The publication of the Czech translation of The Suicide created by Alena Morávková in 1985 was three years ahead of the Soviet publication of the original play. The paper also reflects significant productions of Erdman’s plays at the E. F. Burian Theatre or Studio Ypsilon. Modern Czech stage productions of The Mandate (last performed in 2009) and, first of all, The Suicide (last performed in 2019) are also reflected in the paper. Conclusion. An analysis of the plays’ translations and stage versions proves that even eighty years after their creation, the satirical works of Nikolai Erdman are still relevant thanks to their deep humanistic and philosophical content that resonates with the modern audience. Both before and after 1989, Erdman’s plays were staged in so-called small (studio) theatres. Even today, the interest to Erdman’s plays arises in small theatres, student companies and amateur theatres. However, the themes that Czech directors emphasize in their contemporary productions are fundamentally different from what was targeted before the Velvet revolution.

Drama/Theatre and Democratisation: What Two Revolutions Reveal

This paper will assert that drama/theatre has a role to play in the democratisation process by presenting research that reveals how various forms of drama/theatre practice coincide with democratisation or its opposite, de-democratisation. Correlation between the use of monologic and dialogic discourses within drama/theatre practice and the process of democratisation will be evidenced in two case studies: the early years of the French Revolution and the 1989 Velvet Revolution in (the former) Czechoslovakia. By analysing the conditions and patterns of theatre practice that coincided with the democratisation of these two countries (and in one case, away from it soon after), parallels emerge between monologic discourses within drama/theatre and de-democratisation, and dialogic discourses within drama/theatre and democratisation. The great experiment of liberal democracy is an ongoing process that can be buttressed by process-based theatre practices that exemplify theatre’s ability to foster dialogue and create community amongst participants.

The Factor of Influence of Armenia's Post-Protest Political Elites on Armenian-Russian Relations: Problems, Opportunities And Risks

The actual issue of the Armenian-Russian relationship as mirrored through domestic power changes in Armenia after the «Velvet Revolution» in the spring of 2018, is raised and discussed in the paper through the event analysis as well as public perceptions. Despite the significantly increased level of negative perceptions and criticism from the broad strata of society, on June 20 of 2021, the same post-protest elites have been re-elected to the Armenian parliament and made up the majority. Accordingly, the political course of Armenia in the near future will remain unchanged, and its study, in particular, in the context of relations with the Russian Federation, is extremely relevant. We focus here on the role and image of the Armenian post-protest elites, including Armenian prime-minister N. Pashinyan, in maintaining/transforming the traditional Armenian-Russian strategic relations in the new conditions. Leaving aside the emotional component of the issue which has become a quite popular component of the public discourse in Armenian and Russian societies, the authors try to trace the reasons for the decline in trust in the Russian Federation as an ally in Armenian society before and after the «Velvet revolution» through the identification of deep, long-term factors and patterns. Besides, one of the main objectives of the study is to characterize the behavioral models and actions of Armenia’s post-protest elites associated with Armenian-Russian relations and creating an anti-Russian rather than the pro-Russian image of the post-protest elites in Armenia, including the image of prime minister Pashinyan. By identifying public perceptions in Armenia before and especially after the «Velvet Revolution» regarding the assessment of the effectiveness of Armenian-Russian relations and the role of post-protest elites in them, the authors, in particular, conclude that the perception of the positive image of the Russian Federation as an ally correlates with the negative image of Pashinyan and the factor of post-protest elites. On the other hand, the anti-Russian perceptions of a staidly widening group of the Armenian population are not always correlated with either positive or negative image or the factor of Pashinyan and have other, deeper roots.

Czechoslovakian elites before the “velvet” revolution (1985–1989)

The processes leading to the “velvet” revolution in Czechoslovakia are examined in this chapter; using archival documents, the preconditions of the “perestroika” economy in the USSR and its impact on the economies of Central and Southeast European countries, including Czechoslovakia, are analyzed. Differentiation within the framework of the ruling CPCz is characterized; the attitudes of members of the federal and national governments, as well as those of deputies of the federal parliament, to the “velvet” revolution are examined; and the role of Slovak politicians in the search for ways to transform the country is emphasized.