scholarly journals Evaluating Labour Market Flexibility Using the TOPSIS Method: Sustainable Industrial Relations

2022 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 526
Author(s):  
Anna Galik ◽  
Monika Bąk ◽  
Katarzyna Bałandynowicz-Panfil ◽  
Giuseppe T. Cirella

This study evaluates labour market flexibility using the Technique for Order of Preference by Similarity to Ideal Solution (TOPSIS), a multi-criteria decision analysis (MCDA) method. TOPSIS is employed by comparing spatial (i.e., different countries) and temporal (i.e., long-time horizon) terms. Sustainable industrial relations processes are considered in shaping the flexibility of the labour market in 15 European Union Member States from 2009 to 2018. Countries are grouped into classes to provide a basis for benchmarking results against social and employment policies implemented at the national level. A five-step quantitative MCDA method is formulated using published data from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. The results indicate that the TOPSIS method is an appropriate approach for measuring labour market flexibility internationally. Moreover, in relation to workforce phenomena, the findings show that the method offers the possibility of examining the impact of particular factors related to social and employment policies of a country in terms of sustainable development and socioeconomic growth. The lack of precision tools to forecast the development of national and transnational labour markets—particularly during the COVID-19 era—highlights the importance of such a method for workforce planners and policymakers. Developing sustainable industrial relations in terms of associated national externalities is the motivation of the research.

Author(s):  
Zaad Mahmood

The chapter discusses the party system in the macro context of politics. It highlights the limitations of political party and interest group analysis without reference to the political competition that shapes behaviour in politics. The chapter discusses theoretically the impact of party system on labour market flexibility and proceeds to show the interrelation between party competition and the behaviour of political parties, composition of socio-economic support bases, and the behaviour of interest groups that influence reform. In the context of labour market flexibility, the party-system operates as an intermediate variable facilitating reforms. The chapter contradicts the conventional notion that party system fragmentation impedes reform by showing how increasing party competition corresponds to greater labour market reforms. It shows that increases in the number of parties, facilitates labour market reforms through marginalization of the issue of labour, realignment of class interests within broader society and fragmentation of trade union movement.


2021 ◽  
pp. 102425892199500
Author(s):  
Maria da Paz Campos Lima ◽  
Diogo Martins ◽  
Ana Cristina Costa ◽  
António Velez

Internal devaluation policies imposed in southern European countries since 2010 have weakened labour market institutions and intensified wage inequality and the falling wage share. The debate in the wake of the financial and economic crisis raised concerns about slow wage growth and persistent economic inequality. This article attempts to shed light on this debate, scrutinising the case of Portugal in the period 2010–2017. Mapping the broad developments at the national level, the article examines four sectors, looking in particular at the impact of minimum wages and collective bargaining on wage trends vis-à-vis wage inequality and wage share trajectories. We conclude that both minimum wage increases and the slight recovery of collective bargaining had a positive effect on wage outcomes and were important in reducing wage inequality. The extent of this reduction was limited, however, by uneven sectoral recovery dynamics and the persistent effects of precarious work, combined with critical liberalisation reforms.


1983 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noah M. Meltz ◽  
Frank Reid

The Canadian Government has introduced a work-sharing program in which lay offs are avoided by reducing the work week and using unemployment insurance funds to pay workers short-time compensation. Compared to the lay-off alternative, there appear to be economic benefits to work-sharing for both management and employees. Reaction to the scheme has been generally positive at the union local level and the firm level, but it has been negative at the national level of both labour and management. These divergent views can be explained mainly as a result of short-run versus long-run perspectives. Managers at the firm level see the immediate benefit of improved labour relations and the avoidance of the costs of hiring and training replacements for laid-off workers who do not respond when recalled. The national business leaders are more concerned with work incentive and efficiency aspects of work-sharing.


Author(s):  
Claire Keogh ◽  
Angela Tattersall ◽  
Helen Richardson

The UK labour market is dramatically changing, with rapid technological innovations alongside globalisation where organisations are required to place a premium on human and intellectual capital. The demand for labour is outstripping supply, and businesses are increasingly dependent on their ability to attract, invest in and develop their workforce (Kingsmill, 2003). However, a recent comparative report of the information technology (IT) workforce in Holland, Germany and the UK indicates that women are haemorrhaging out of the IT sector (Platman & Taylor, 2004). Given that presently there is an IT specialist’s skills shortage of 18.4% (IER/IFF, 2003), and female IT managers represent a mere 15% of ICT managers, 30% of IT operations technicians and 11% of IT strategy planning professionals (EOC, 2004a), this suggests that the ICT industry is not equipped for equality and diversity at work. Despite many years of egalitarian rhetoric and 3 decades after the UK Equal Pay Act (1970) was introduced, women still receive on average 18% less than that of their male counterparts working full-time and 41% less than men when working part-time hours. The ESF-funded DEPICT project seeks to identify pay discrimination experienced by women in ICT at a national level throughout England. An important aim is to highlight the impact of pay and reward discrimination has on the underrepresentation of women in the ICT labour market. From this study, we hope to more clearly understand the reasons for the gender pay gap, particularly in the ICT sector; and the impact this has on women’s entry and retention to occupations where they are already severely underrepresented. Equal pay is an issue for all; it’s unjust, unlawful and impacts on social justice, equality and economic performance (EOC, 2001b). Pay is a major factor affecting relationships at work; distribution and levels of pay and benefits affect efficiency of organisations, workforce morale and productivity. It is vital for organisations to develop pay systems that reward workers fairly for the work they perform (ACAS, 2005).


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (8) ◽  
pp. 2408
Author(s):  
Natália ZAGORŠEKOVÁ ◽  
Michaela ČIEFOVÁ ◽  
Andrea ČAMBALÍKOVÁ

The paper focuses on competitiveness at the national level and on the impact of competitiveness on economic growth. We look at the relationship between competitiveness and economic growth based on the data from the European Union member states. The competitiveness of the economies is measured by the Global Competitiveness Index, which is published by the World Economic Forum. The European Union member states show significant differences in competitiveness. In the sample examined, the positive relationship between the level of competitiveness and economic growth was not confirmed.


1970 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Cregan ◽  
Chris Rudd ◽  
Stewart Johnston

This paper investigates the impact of the Employment Contracts Act on trade union membership. Two separate surveys of labour market participants lvere conducted in Dunedin on the eve of the legislation and one year later. The findings demonstrated that for these samples, trade union membership in aggregate was not based on compulsion before the legislation and remained at a similar level a year later. Democracy was not restored to the workplace it was already apparent there. This implies that changes in the industrial relations system had already taken place prior to the legislation and it is suggested that these findings are explicable if the effect of the exigencies of the recession on both parries is taken account of In the ensuing discussion, reasons for the persistence of the same level of union membership after the legislation were considered. It was demonstrated that most members li'anted the union to act as their bargaining agent and felt few pressures regarding their choice of employment contract. In other words, employers did not utilise the provisions of the Act to weaken union membership, at least in the short term.


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 692-708 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dragoș Adăscăliței ◽  
Ștefan Guga

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain why, in spite having a relatively powerful labour movement at the start of the economic transformation, Romania ended up with a highly deregulated system of industrial relations in the aftermath of the global economic crisis of 2009 and with trade unions which seem incapable to defend their interests. Design/methodology/approach The authors trace the changing role that Romanian trade unions had in national policy making and show that the beginning of 2000s represents a critical point for the power loss sustained by organised labour. Findings The authors argue that a key element for explaining labour’s decline is the growing pressure exercised by various international organisations for the adoption of deregulatory labour market reforms. While during the 1990s this pressure was circumvented by successive governments which peddled back and forth between union wage pressure and fiscal austerity measures, beginning with 2000s, EU accession conditionalities coupled with IMF and World Bank policy recommendations enabled the international deregulation agenda to be implemented without much opposition. Originality/value The paper brings new evidence on the impact of international actors on the Romanian collective bargaining and labour market institutions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Lloyd ◽  
Jonathan Payne

Occupational licensing, which restricts entry to a job to those with certain qualifications, has traditionally been associated with professionals. Can such forms of occupational regulation support skill development and higher wages lower down the labour market? Cross-national comparisons of a specific occupation can highlight differences in regulation and the interaction between skill formation and industrial relations institutions. We compare the regulation of the occupation of fitness instructor in the UK, France and Norway, focusing on the impact on skills and wages, and suggest that while licensing offers some beneficial outcomes, the relationship with these other institutions is critical.


1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Wright ◽  
Nixon Apple

Increasingly, economic debate in Australia and other Western, developed economies is directed to the interdependence and potential conflict between the out come of labour market negotiations and government economic policy. Industrial relations becomes identified as a cause of economic problems and governments have been attracted to policies that seek to alter the outcome of labour market negotia tions, using what are often termed "incomes policies". However, because of the nature of industrial relations, incomes policies which might be established to express government demands also have an influence over the balance of powers and relations within the economy. This dynamic process presents problems for practitioners and academics assessing the full effect of incomes policies. The corporatist model developed by Leo Pantich is one useful model of the changes that can occur in trade union, employer and government relations under incomes policy conditions. Draw ing on the flexibility of such a process model, this article details the development of incomes policies in Britain and Sweden, examining the changing relationships and powers that have occurred when the parties (and especially the trade unions) have responded to the demands such policies make on industrial relations. The differences in trade union reactions to industrial relations adjustment provide lessons and experiences for any economy where the government seeks to direct labour market negotiations. In terms of the impact on trade unions particularly and industrial relations in general, the British and Swedish lessons offer valuable insights for Australia. Examining the dynamic incomes policy effects in Australia, we conclude that only if industrial relations practitioners and trade unionists are aware of the dynamic pressures of intervention and respond in a structured manner can they avoid the traps identified by British experience and benefit from the opportunities offered by Swedish initiatives.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document