Observations on Object Pronoun Collocation with Finite Verb-Parts in Medieval Occitan (to 1300)

Romania ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 99 (394) ◽  
pp. 145-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana Teresa Mériz
Keyword(s):  
Finite Verb

Preverbation and narrativity in Lithuanian. The distribution of finite simplex and compound verbs in narrative main clauses

2010 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 167-192
Author(s):  
Lea Sawicki
Keyword(s):  
Narrative Text ◽  
Past Tense ◽  
The Past ◽  
Verb Forms ◽  
Compound Verbs ◽  
Finite Verb

The article deals with the use of simplex and compound (prefixed) verbs in narrative text. Main clauses comprising finite verb forms in the past and in the past habitual tense are examined in an attempt to establish to what extent simplex and compound verbs exhibit aspect oppositions, and whether a correlation exists between the occurrence of simplex vs. compound verbs and distinct textual units. The investigation shows that although simple and compound verbs in Lithuanian are not in direct aspect opposition to each other, in the background text portions most of the verbs are prefixless past tense forms or habitual forms, whereas in the plot-advancing text portions, the vast majority of verbs are compound verbs in the simple past tense.  

Generational differences in the placement of clitic se in New York City Spanish

2021 ◽  
pp. 136700692110165
Author(s):  
Kevin Martillo Viner
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
York City ◽  
Internal Variables ◽  
Chi Square ◽  
Ongoing Research ◽  
External Variables ◽  
Two Generations ◽  
Finite Verb ◽  
Chi Square Tests

Aims and objectives: This study analyzes the proclitic and enclitic positions of Spanish clitic se (e.g., ella se quería ir / ella quería irse ‘she wanted to go’) across two generations of Spanish speakers in New York City. In an effort to contribute to ongoing research aimed at better understanding Spanish in the US, the following questions are addressed. In syntactic environments that permit variation, does placement of Spanish se differ between the two generations? From the internal variables identified for this study (nonfinite verb type, finite verb, tense of finite verb, grammatical person, use of se, grammatical mood of finite verb, negation), which ones have a statistically significant effect on placement? From the external variables identified for this study (national origin, region, areal origins, sex, age, years in US, socioeconomic class, education, English skill, Spanish skill, general Spanish use), which ones have a statistically significant effect on placement? Design and data: This study is carried out within a variationist-sociolinguistic framework and the sample consists of 50 participants, 25 from the first generation (G1) and 25 from the second (G2). Analysis: Bivariate chi-square tests are performed in order to determine what internal and external variables constrain placement of the dependent variable (clitic se placement). Findings: Generation has a statistically significant effect on placement ( p = .016), wherein proclisis is more frequent amongst the G2 participants. These results corroborate previous research showing an overall preference for proclisis in both monolingual and bilingual/heritage speakers. Further, chi-square tests pinpoint five conditioning effects for G1 (nonfinite verb type, use of se, finite verb, years in US, and English skill), but only two for G2 (use of se and English skill). Originality and implications: The present study is the first to discover strong correlations between the proclitic position and the numerous internal and external variables quantitatively assessed. Future research is thus warranted.

Two locations for negation

2009 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 205-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sadaf Munshi ◽  
Rajesh Bhatt
Keyword(s):  
Verb Second ◽  
High Position ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Finite Verb ◽  
Structural Positions

Kashmiri has two structural positions for negation: a high position associated with focus and a low position associated with tense. In verb second environments, the difference between these two positions is neutralized on the surface and irrespective of the location where negation is generated, it appears as a suffix on the finite verb. But in non-verb second environments such as conditionals and correlatives the two negations can be teased apart. In these environments, the high negation appears as a suffix on material such as relative phrases and the conditional marker while the low negation appears as a suffix on the finite verb. The high vs. low distinction has semantic implications: in certain environments where the negation is arguably ‘expletive’, negation can only be high.

scholarly journals “The Trout Breaks the Ice” by Mikhail Kuzmin: Verse and Grammar

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-116
Author(s):  
Marina Akimova
Keyword(s):  
Past Tense ◽  
Long Poem ◽  
Complex Composition ◽  
The Past ◽  
Compositional Structure ◽  
Verb Forms ◽  
Astronomical Time ◽  
Mikhail Kuzmin ◽  
Iambic Pentameter ◽  
Finite Verb

The author explores various compositional levels of the Russian modernist author Mikhail Kuzmin’s long poem “The Trout Breaks the Ice”. The levels are: (1) the grammatical tenses vs. the astronomical time (non-finite verb forms (imperative) are also assumed to indicate time); (2) the meters of this polymetric poem; (3) realistic vs. symbolic and (4) static vs. dynamic narrative modes. The analysis is done by the chapter, and the data are summarized in five tables. It turned out that certain features regularly co-occur, thus supporting the complex composition of the poem. In particular, the present tense and time regularly mark the realistic and static chapters written in various meters, whereas the past tense and time are specific to the realistic and dynamic chapters written in iambic pentameter. The article sheds new light on the compositional structure of Kuzmin’s poem and the general principles of poetic composition.

scholarly journals Relexification in a Northern Norwegian dialect?

Nordlyd ◽  
10.7557/12.12 ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilde Sollid
Keyword(s):  
Language Shift ◽  
The Third ◽  
Finite Verb

This paper explores how the process of relexification can contribute to the understanding of the genesis of the new Norwegian dialect of Sappen in Nordreisa. The dialect has emerged in the context of language shift from Finnish to Norwegian, and the dialect syntax has features that might be regarded as products of relexification. One example is declarative main clauses with the finite verb in the third position (V3). The discussion adheres to a more general discussion of approaches to language genesis, where substratist and universalist (and also superstratist) theories often are regarded as contrary to each other. I argue that different theories can contribute to the understanding of different aspects of the same question.

scholarly journals Non-temporal dan and the grammar of V2*

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-267
Author(s):  
Liliane Haegeman ◽  
Andreas Trotzke
Keyword(s):  
Finite Verb

Abstract This paper discusses a pattern in which a finite verb is preceded by a locative PP which combines with an initial or final occurrence of the adverb dan (‘then’) and which may look like a violation of the V2 constraint. The paper is relevant in the context of how to handle what look like exceptions to the V2 pattern, a point that is sometimes neglected in the formal literature, though Zwart (2008a) draws attention to the importance of also capturing such recalcitrant data. Based on standard arguments for constituency, it will be shown that the adverb, which has a non-temporal reading, and the associated PP form one constituent. Thus, a pattern that might at first appear to be a violation of V2 in fact is shown to be in line with the constraint.

A typological analysis of the Chained-Aorist construction in Ayt Atta Tamazight (Berber)

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 198-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Mauri
Keyword(s):  
Linguistic Variation ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Subordinate Clauses ◽  
Finite Verb

Clause-linking mechanisms are subject to cross-linguistic variation. As far as non-subordinate clauses are concerned, any combination of two clauses may show two predicates mutually equal or different in terms of finiteness: these are known as co-ranking and clause-chaining structures, respectively (Longacre 2007: 375). Clause-chaining constructions show two structural possibilities, namely medial-final and initial-medial chaining, depending on whether the more-finite verb follows or precedes the less-finite one. Clause-chaining constructions are found in unrelated language families scattered across the globe, including Afroasiatic (Longacre 1990). However, the existing typological literature on the topic has totally neglected Berber, another Afroasiatic language. This work focuses on a clause-linking strategy found in Ayt Atta Tamazight (Berber, henceforth AAT) and in other Berber languages, the so-called Chained-Aorist construction (henceforth C-AOR). Stemming from my fieldwork on AAT, this paper provides an innovative typological analysis of C-AOR, analysing it in terms of initial-medial clause chaining.

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