The New World Order and the Islamic World

1991 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 461-472
Author(s):  
Hassan Elhag Ali

During a triumphant speech before the Congress on September 11, 1990,President Bush announced that the pursuit of a “new world order” wouldbe an objective of American foreign policy. The speech’s tone and emphasismarked a new phase in international politics, for only a few months earlierthe United States and the Soviet Union, former Cold War foes, had demonstratedan unprecedented level of cooperation to eject Iraq- a former Sovietclient-from Kuwait. In that speech, Bush stated thatThe crisis in the Persian Gulf, as grave as it is, also offers a rareopportunity to move toward an historic period of cooperation. Outof these troubled times, our fifth objective - a new world ordercanemerge: a new era-freer from the threat of terror, strongerin the pursuit of justice, and more secure in the quest for peace.An era in which the nations of the world, East and West, Northand South, can prosper and live in harmony (Freedman 1991, 195).The idea of a new world order, as it appears, entails and conveys thecollapse of the old system and the emergence of another, different one. Thispaper is concerned with identifying and analyzing the premises of this newworld order. How different are they from the tenets of the “old” order? Ormore precisely, to use the Economist’s words: “What is new? Which world?And whose order?” (Economist, February 23, 1991, 25-26). What are theagendas of this order and to what extent do they reflect the interests of theThird World? How will this new order affect the Islamic world, the ThirdWorld, or ”the residents of the South?” ...

1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-137
Author(s):  
Taha J. Al ‘Alwani

The year which has just ended has presented the Muslim world with a majorchallenge: the bipolar world order which provided some kind of balance betweenthe East and the West disintegrated and was replaced by a unipolar one.How will this affect us?The new world order is an order controlled by a single superpowex whichhas its own philosophy, thought, and culture. If we look closely, it seems thatits philosophy stands on a collection of what appears to be mutually opposeddualities which both necessitate the various elements of conflict and make allattempts to end the resulting polarization and conflict futile. But the recentdemise of the opposite pole and the end of the Cold War does not mean thatthe world is about to witness a period of peace, tranquility, and security in theshade of this so-called new world order. hther, the inherently belligerent natureof this entirely Western-controlled civilization precludes such a development,for such an order requires an opponent, either real or imagined. In other words,if one is not readily available it will have to be created, so that the fight canbe carried on elsewhere. While many are now saying that the nature ofthe conflictmay shift from military to economic power, this does not automaticallymean that positive developments will occur or that the world can expect trueand constant security, tranquility, or peace from this civilization.It is thus all the more disconcerting that the Islamic world finds itself ina state of unpreparedness and disarray unprecedented in all of its lox history,and that the collapse of the Soviet Union, the other Western pole, leaves therole of adversary to the Islamic world. All of this suggests that the Islamic world,which is now infirm, divided, and unable to protect its own resources, will befaced with the prospect of becoming a battleground over the course of the nextfew decades.It is therefore essential that Muslim scholars, thinkers, research institutes,universities, and enlightened political elites undertake the responsibility of ensuringthat the Islamic world passes through this coming period of crisis successfully ...


2009 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stig A. Nohrstedt

Abstract How has war journalism changed since the end of the Cold War? After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, there was talk of a new world order. The Balkan Wars of the 1990s gave rise to the concept of “new wars”. The 1990-91 Gulf War was the commercial breakthrough for the around-the-clock news channel CNN, and the war in Afghanistan in 2001 for its competitor al-Jazeera. The 2003 Iraq war saw Internet’s great breakthrough in war journalism. A new world order, new wars, and new media – what impact is all this having on war journalism? This article outlines some important trends based on recent media research and discusses the new challenges as well as the consequences they entail for the conditions of war journalism, its professional reflexivity and democratic role.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Bargatzky

In these days, we live in a new Cold War. On the side of Western elites, the disintegration and collapse of the Soviet Union was seen as representing the End of History and a permanent triumph of democratic values. American triumphalism, an expression of the idea of Manifest Destiny, believed that America was capable of reshaping the world in its image. According to this concept, the world was entering a New World Order in which international norms and transnational principles of human rights would prevail over the traditional prerogatives of sovereign governments. Promoting regime change was considered a legitimate act of foreign policy. In reality, all of this turned out to be illusionary. Instead of promoting peace, the attempt to usher in a New American Century resulted in international terrorism and endless wars in Afghanistan and the Near East. The eastward enlargement of NATO entails the risk of nuclear war. The New World Order turns out to be a big delusion, endangering the survival of humankind.


1994 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-97
Author(s):  
David Robie

Review of Whose Story? Reporting the Developing World After the Cold War, edited by Jill Spelliscy and Gerald B. Sperling, Calgary, Canada: Detselig Enterprises, 1993. 242 pp. 'I get terribly angry', remarks Daniel Nelson, editor of Gemini News Service, 'when journalists take the phrase, which is completly manufactured, "New World Order"—it's absolutely meaningless. Personally I don't think there is a New World Order. I think we have the same world order, but without the Soviet Union which was never a major part of the world economy. And if you live in Katmandu or Kampala, there is no change.'


1989 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 324-332
Author(s):  
Ritu Sharma

Jawaharlal Nehru's keen sense of history and his intense nationalism played a key role in the evolution of his world-view which pioneered to give new direction to international politics in the post-Indian independence period. This world-view had developed gradually but formidably over a span of half a century entailing and synchronising the turmoil at the national and global level and finally leaving a profound impact on Nehru's mind.1 The vulnerable Western colonial domination of the world; the gripping struggle between the fascist and the liberal forces within the West itself and the confrontational poise between the Communist Soviet Union and the non-Communist Western countries were all considered to be the basic issues by Nehru, on the outcome of which would emerge a new world order. Nehru was ambitious enough to envisage top grading of India in the comity of nations following elimination of its colonial subjugation as a part of the well construed basis of the new order and it rhymed perfectly with the broad contours of his world vision.


Author(s):  
Herman T. Salton

This chapter reviews the role of the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) before and during the Rwandan genocide. After introducing the peculiar context of the early 1990s and the promises of the so-called ‘New World Order’ which followed the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, the chapter outlines the role of DPKO during the early reconnaissance mission to Rwanda and reviews several decisions taken by the peacekeeping department. These include the size of the mission and its troop levels, the so-called ‘genocide cable’ sent by Dallaire about forthcoming ethnic massacres, and the mandate and rules of engagement of the Rwandan operation. The chapter also introduces the phenomenon of the ‘anticipatory veto’, or a tendency on the part of Secretariat officials to recommend to the Security Council only what the latter is likely to endorse.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-147
Author(s):  
S. Martirosyan

The author of the article argues that the M. Gorbachev Reconstruction (Perestroyka) had deliberately been designed to cause the collapse of the Soviet Union, to drag the country in the world economy and lay a foundation to establish a “New World Order”. Meanwhile, the author demonstrates how the process of collapse was kept secretly, and the role of foreign factors contributed to that collapse.


Author(s):  
Karlo Kopaliani ◽  
◽  
Zurab Kvetenadze ◽  

The International Security Conference held in Munich in February 2007 laid the foundation for the formation of the new world order. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, everyone thought that Russia would choose the way for pro-Western democratic development. In the first stage, it seemed that the Russian Federation was making a choice in favor of the free world. However, the weakness of both the state and style of oligarchic governance showed that the conclusion was premature. Although civil society was developing in Russia and after some time it could achieve concrete successes, the Russian political leadership under the leadership of Boris Yeltsin was unable to solve the acute problems facing the state. The strengthening of the Russian state is linked to the coming to power of Yeltsin's successor, Vladimir Putin. As a result of effective counterterrorism operations, the authority of Russian president has increased significantly. Putin aimed to change pro-Western orientations to Eurasian. We think, it was a natural occurrence for Russia, but it would inevitably lead to a confrontation with the West. The 2007 Munich International Security Conference is a clear example, where the Russian president strongly criticized the existence of a unipolar world and initiated foundation of a new phase of confrontation with the Euro-Atlantic space.


1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 39-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony J. Payne ◽  
Paul K. Sutton

The Supposed emergence of a New World Order has quickly become one of the cliches of the 1990s. First enunciated by President Bush in the context of US attempts to mobilize international support for the Gulf War, the phrase has already been defined and redefined in countless journalistic analyses of recent events in Eastern Europe, the Gulf itself and lately of course the Soviet Union. This is not the place to add directly to that debate. It is obvious that the world order of the 1990s is very different from the post-1945 order. Briefly expressed, it is constituted by the interplay between, on the one hand, a new but still unequal diffusion of power between the core states of the world (the United States, the European Community [EC], and Japan) and, on the other, a new concentration of power in the hands of international capital.


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