scholarly journals Funkcjonowanie miast Azji Południowo-Wschodniej w ramach międzynarodowych sieci współpracy

2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-132
Author(s):  
Tomasz Kamiński

Although climate policy is formulated at national and supranational levels (for example, the European Union, the United Nations), cities are responsible for its practical implementation. As a consequence, actions taken by local authorities are becoming an important factor in the success of global climate policy. One of the cities’ activities is sharing environmental knowledge within international city networks. This form of international cooperation is also becoming increasingly popular in Southeast Asia.This article analyses the participation of Asian cities in the three most important networks dealing with the exchange of ecological knowledge: C40, City Net and ICLEI. Based on interviews with representatives of all surveyed networks and the city officials of Quezon City, Philippines, I present the characteristics of cities functioning in networks, in particular the knowledge flow model, which has a certain postcolonial feature but also promotes social dialogue and cooperation with local partners.

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 124-160
Author(s):  
Marina Larionova ◽  

The European Union (EU) aspires to become a global climate power. Climate neutrality became the guiding principle, the goal, and the pillar of the EU’s external policy after the Green Deal endorsement. The Green Deal is internationalized through a system of external policy instruments, including financial, trade and investment mechanisms, carbon border adjustment and emission trading, agreements with other countries, development support, and promotion of the EU’s regulation and standards through cooperation in international institutions. The normative documents and proposals on the key initiatives have been put forward, and the formats and plans for implementation are being discussed and defined. In this context, it is important to analyze the EU’s initiatives for internationalization of green transformation goals and to identify risks and opportunities related to their implementation. This article reviews the array of external policy instruments and initiatives deployed by the EU: the new trade policy of “open strategic autonomy” and the initiative on trade and sustainable development in the World Trade Organization (WTO); the framework for the screening of foreign direct investments and the taxonomy of environmentally sustainable investment and economic activity; new approaches to energy security and the building of global energy markets, including norms and standards for hydrogen markets; and the new neighbourhood policy, including the new strategy for Central Asia and the Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument. Given the initial stage of the initiative’s implementation, the study focuses on the adopted documents and planned actions. The author assesses the potential impact of climate policy internationalization instruments on EU-Russia economic cooperation and on EU leadership in shaping global climate governance. The author asserts that a number of instruments bear risks for the Russian Federation’s economic projects and proposes recommendations for abating them. With regard to global governance, the EU’s commitment to integrate climate goals into the global agenda may serve as a bridge for inclusive governance. At the same time, the EU’s determination to impose its priorities through carrot and stick incentives, including through economic measures, on partners not sharing the EU’s approach may be destructive. The author concludes that the EU’s capacity to build constructive engagement with partners will be a test of the EU’s real leadership. Given that the Green Deal’s external dimension is intended not only to promote EU priorities and values, but also to advance the global public good, controversies arise with regard to the instruments, not the goals. Thus, it is in the interests of Russia, as well as other partners directly affected, not to oppose the export of the EU’s climate policy, but to cooperate to mitigate unintended consequences of its deployment and to shape inclusive global governance.


Author(s):  
Tom Delreux ◽  
Frauke Ohler

The fight against climate change has become a major area of action for the European Union (EU), both at the European and the international level. EU climate policy has gained importance since the 1990s and is today the most politicized issue on the EU’s environmental agenda. The EU is often considered a frontrunner—even a leader—in the adoption of climate policies internally and the promotion of such policies externally. Internally, the EU has developed the world’s most advanced and comprehensive regulatory frameworks, encompassing both EU-wide policies and targets to be achieved by the member states. The actual EU policy instruments fall into two categories: whereas emissions in certain industrial sectors are reduced through a carbon market and a “cap-and-trade” system (the Emissions Trading Scheme), emissions from non-ETS sectors are addressed through domestic policies by member states. These measures have led to a reduction of greenhouse gas emissions in the EU, but they will not suffice to achieve the EU’s long-term goals, which requires a major overhaul of some of the basic premises of the EU’s policies in sectors such as energy production and consumption, transport, agriculture, and industry. Externally, the EU has been advocating ambitious and legally binding international climate agreements. Desiring to “lead by example”, the EU has been an influential global climate player at important international climate conferences such as those held in Kyoto (1997), Marrakesh (2001), and Paris (2015), but its diplomacy failed at the Copenhagen conference (2009).


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doris Fuchs ◽  
Berenike Feldhoff

<p>This paper investigates power dynamics between and within the core institutions of the European Union (EU) in the development of the 2030 EU climate &amp; energy framework. Starting from the widely studied change in the EU’s climate policy from “leadership by example” to “slow motion”, it integrates a specific focus on power dynamics between the core EU institutions and non-state actors. Interestingly, perspectives on power relations between and within EU institutions and the power of non-state actors in EU governance are rarely integrated explicitly in analyses of the EU’s shift in its stance on climate policy. In this article, we aim to draw together the analyses of institutional power dynamics in EU climate policy with analyses of the exercise of power by non-state actors to explain the dynamics leading to the change in EU climate politics. Using data from document research, secondary literature and interviews conducted with members of EU institutions as well as non-state actors, we show that an absence of clear leadership from the European Council in the end furthered an extended influence of business actors via the strengthening of the Commission as well as particular DGs. The results show how inadequate guidance from the Council and divisions within the Commission facilitated the informal passing of the scepter of EU climate policy to business, even as EU institutions retained formal responsibility, thus not passing the buck in a corresponding manner. The analysis further reveals strong reasons for doubt towards future EU ambitions in global climate change politics.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 138
Author(s):  
Liudmyla Golovko ◽  
Olena Yara ◽  
Olena Uliutina ◽  
Andrii Tereshchenko ◽  
Andrew Kudin

It is an indisputable fact that one of the most important problems today is global climate change. Climate change affects everyone and requires a concerted effort at regional, national and international levels. The most intensive legal regulation of environmental protection, including climate change, which has an extremely negative impact on the environment, is carried out on the European continent. The European Union is a leader in climate change prevention and an example for other countries. The state policy of Ukraine on legislative adaptation is formed as an integral part of legal reform in Ukraine and is aimed at ensuring common approaches to rule-making, mandatory consideration of European Union legislation in rule-making, training of qualified specialists, creating appropriate conditions for institutional, scientific, educational, technical, financial support of the process of adaptation of the legislation of Ukraine. In the scholarly work global and European trends in climate change prevention policy were revealed. The adaptation of Ukrainian legislation in the field of climate change to EU law was analyzed. The conceptual foundations of the environmental policy of Ukraine in the context of climate change were considered. The challenges and problems on the way to the implementation of climate policy were determined.


Author(s):  
Barley Norton

This chapter addresses the cultural politics, history and revival of Vietnamese court orchestras, which were first established at the beginning of the Nguyễn dynasty (1802–1945). Based on fieldwork in the city of Hue, it considers the decolonizing processes that have enabled Vietnamese court orchestras to take their place alongside other East Asian court orchestras as a display of national identity in the global community of nations. The metaphor of ‘orchestrating the nation’ is used to refer to the ways in which Vietnamese orchestras have been harnessed for sociopolitical ends in several historical periods. Court orchestras as heritage have recourse to a generic, precolonial past, yet they are not entirely uncoupled from local roots. Through a case-study of the revival of the Nam Giao Sacrifice, a ritual for ‘venerating heaven’, the chapter addresses the dynamics of interaction and exchange between staged performances of national heritage and local Buddhist and ancestor worship rituals. It argues that with growing concern about global climate change, the spiritual and ecological resonances of the Nam Giao Sacrifice have provided opportunities for the Party-state to reassert its position as the supreme guardian of the nation and its people.


Author(s):  
John Gray ◽  
Mike Baynham

This chapter considers the phenomenon of queer migration from a linguistic perspective, paying particular attention to the constitutive role of spatial mobility in narrative and its role in the construction of queer migrant identities. The chapter begins by looking at the way in which queer migration has been discussed in the literature and then moves on to address three different types of queer migration in greater depth: migration within national borders from the village/countryside to the city; migration between cities in member states within the context of the European Union; and finally, asylum-seeking within the context of migration from the Global South to the Global North. The chapter concludes by suggesting that queer migration is a complex phenomenon in which the intersection of sexuality, gender identity, desire, affect, abjection, economic necessity, class, politics, and fear for one’s life combine in ways that are unique in the lives of individual migrants.


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