Surowce energetyczne poradzieckich państw Azji Centralnej w polityce gospodarczej Chin

China s interest in the energy resources of Central Asian has been growing since the end of the 20th century. During the twenty years of the 21st century, China became the most important trading partner Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. Eksport from Central Asia to China are raw materials, mainly gas and crude oil, and imports are finished products of the mining sector, transmission and communication infrastructure. The opening in 2009 of the gas pipeline from Turkmenistan to China via Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan was a turning point for the strengthening of Beijing s influence in the region. The gas pipeline broke Russia s monopoly on intermediation in trade in energy resources from Central Asian states and created a completely new system of economic relations. Despite the conflicting interests with the Russian Federation, both countries are demonstrating their will to cooperate politically in the region.

Od dyrektyw w sprawie jakości powietrza do Europejskiego Zielonego Ładu

In Poland, the problem of air pollution has not been given due attention for a long time. As a consequence, Poland is classified as one of the countries with the highest level of air pollution in Europe. Due to the fact that the problem is of a transboundary nature, air quality policy constitutes an important element of the EU’s supranational policy. The aim of the article is to analyze the impact of the EU policy on counteracting the problem of air pollution by Poland and to assess whether the problem can be effectively solved thanks to the implementation of the new growth strategy – the European Green Deal. The research results show that Poland’s membership in the EU has had the greatest impact on the process of building public awareness of the threat posed by air pollution. Despite the generally low effectiveness of the policy pursued so far, the new EU growth strategy (together with the financial instruments supporting its implementation) offers a real opportunity to significantly reduce the level of air pollution in Poland.

Wizyta Josepa Borrella w Moskwie

Josep Borrell’s visit to Moscow was a substantial political failure of the EU’s diplomacy still it was not an accident neither a surprise. The EU’ policy towards Russia has been based on illusions and the European wishful thinking since the very beginning of the mutual relations that started in 1991-1993. The Borrell’s visit to Moscow rather showed the nature of the Russian attitude towards the EU than produced it. Russia prefers to act within the “great powers concerto” i.e. to deal with both - the leading EU member states (Germany, France) and the non-EU great powers (UK, USA) and not with the EU institutions and representatives who are not respected neither treated seriously in Moscow. There is a deep division within the EU between the Eastern flank member states whose perception of Russian threat is strong and well founded and the western and southern countries the political interests and priorities are focused on other problems. Russian capacity to corrupt the numerous prominent members of the European political class makes the EU policy vis a vis Russia even less coherent and realistic. The article shows the history of the EU-Russia relations in the last 30 years and proves the fiasco of the Borrell’s visit to Moscow was not just an accident still a logical consequence of the ill based EU policy towards Russia.

Green Deal a Zielona Agenda dla Bałkanów Zachodnich

This article deals with the important topic of the Green Agenda for the Western Balkans and its place in the perspective of the so-called Green Deal of the European Union. The author discusses the issue of the green deal and agenda from the perspective of the Union's foreign policy and the process of adaptation of the Balkans in the integration process. The topic of the participation of the Western Balkans in the pro-ecological activities of the European Union is based on a collective document presented in 2019 by the European Union as the Green Deal, setting new directions for the development of EU policy. The countries of the Western Balkans have dealt with this issue extensively in the document entitled "Sofia Declaration for the implementation of the Green Agenda for the Western Balkans". Their activities in this area are related not only to the fulfillment of assumptions regarding environmental protection but also in the context of the potential enlargement of the European Union and the willingness to join the group of Member States. In this regard, the Balkan states perceive the Green Agenda as a broader spectrum of their functioning in united Europe and the possibility of appearing on the European arena by fitting into the pan-European trend. The complexity of these processes is extremely large and covers several aspects, the implementation of which is possible not only with the support of the European Union but above all as part of the development of regional cooperation.

Europejski Zielony Ład jako narzędzie modernizacji i legitymizacji projektu europejskiego

Covid-19 pandemic created a new environment to New Green Deal - flagship initiative of European Commission and crucial element of Ursula von der Leyen political manifesto. Author argues, that faced with the possibility of weakening or postponing ambitious environmental programme because of new challenges the commission, backed by important group pf member states decided to build a direct link between reconstruction after pandemics and greening of the economy. The result was a push forward with decarbonisation commitments - the stimuli for change should be bound together to strengthen their interdependence and build a momentum for modernization of EU in both economic and political dimensions. Conditionality of Next Generation Europe financial instrument is one of the links between these two dimensions.

The European Green Deal and the social market economy

The European Green Deal is an attempt to transform the European Union's economy in order to achieve climate neutrality by 2050. This is to counteract undesirable climate change and environmental degradation. In this context, an interesting question is whether the implementation of the European Green Deal is in line with the European Union's model of the Social Market Economy. In order to be able to answer this research question, this study is divided into five parts. The first is an introduction to the analysed issues. The second part presents the basic assumptions of the European Green Deal. The third presents the most important assumptions of the Social Market Economy in the context of climate policy. The fourth part analyses the coherence of the European Green Deal with the model of the Social Market Economy. The study ends with a summary containing the conclusions of the conducted research.

Przewidywany wpływ Europejskiego Zielonego Ładu na aktywność dawców pomocy rozwojowej z UE

The European Green Deal is an ambitious strategy for economic transformation of the European Union (EU) that most likely will affect other policies. The aim of this article is to consider how Official Development Assistance (ODA) offered by the EU and its members may change as a result of the European Green Deal’s implementation. This is done by assessing the existing trends in EU ODA spending focused on addressing climate/environmental issues. This analysis uses for calculations data provided by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. One of the main findings is that climate/environmental issues play a significant and growing role in the allocation of EU ODA funds, though aid provided by some EU members, including Poland, do not share this pattern. It is expected that the implementation of the European Green Deal will lead to furthering the diversified (multi-sector) nature of EU influence over economic transformation of partner countries.

Europejski Zielony Ład jako narzędzie modernizacji i legitymizacji projektu europejskiego

Covid-19 pandemic created a new environment to New Green Deal - flagship initiative of European Commission and crucial element of Ursula von der Leyen political manifesto. Author argues, that faced with the possibility of weakening or postponing ambitious environmental programme because of new challenges the commission, backed by important group pf member states decided to build a direct link between reconstruction after pandemics and greening of the economy. The result was a push forward with decarbonisation commitments - the stimuli for change should be bound together to strengthen their interdependence and build a momentum for modernization of EU in both economic and political dimensions. Conditionality of Next Generation Europe financial instrument is one of the links between these two dimensions.

On the politics of fear

Muslims, India’s largest minority group, have often found themselves excluded from the country’s mainstream political power circles. The historically constructed clash between Muslims and Hindus has been used by the members of the far right – such as the Rāṣtriya Svayaṃsevak Saṇgh (RSS) or the Viśva Hindū Pariṣada (VHP) – to present the Muslim community as outsiders and ill-intentioned others with a view to subjugating the Hindu majority. There has been a notable rise in majoritarianism since the Bhāratiya Janata Party (BJP) rose to power in 2014. Prior to the outbreak of COVID-19, many BJP and RSS members made overtly racist remarks and incited violence against the Muslim community. The COVID-19 pandemic appears to have exacerbated this religious polarisation that has been gradually intensifying since Narendra Modi (BJP) won a landslide re-election victory in May 2019. Fears surrounding the pandemic have rapidly fuelled societal divisions, as well as hyper-nationalism and religious extremism targeted at Indian Muslims. A tarnished social fabric would have obvious long-term ramifications, specifically relating to stigmatisation, stereotyping and violent attacks. In this paper, the author will attempt to examine the role of BJP politicians in stoking Islamophobia. The author will address the question of whether the COVID-19 pandemic has been politicised against the Muslim minority. Are politicians primarily responsible for stoking intercommunal fear and hatred? What roles have state actors played in fomenting sectarian discord during COVID-19? This article tackles these and other salient questions pertaining to the politicisation of the coronavirus outbreak and mounting hate speech authorised by the ruling party in India. The article concludes by suggesting that Hindutva-driven Islamophobia, supported by the BJP government, may have permeated the Hindu mainstream but cautions that this claim still needs empirical validation. This article informs readers of the specific process of Islamophobic violence during the COVID-19 pandemic which remains a largely understudied phenomenon in India. My interpretation is partially based on spending two months doing fieldwork, mainly in New Delhi, in February and March 2020 during the coronavirus outbreak.