scholarly journals Military Equipment Innovation in the Pahang Uprising

The Pahang uprising at the end of the 19th century AD featured various military innovation that proved the greatness of the Pahang Malay community. Pahang Malay Fighters used the advantage of their knowledge of nature (the forest) in addition to modern military equipment. Hence, it is the intention of the researchers to examine and identify the military tools used during the Pahang uprising. This paper utilises the methodology of content analysis and literature review. Based on the examination, it was found that military tools such as ‘sumpit’ and tree roots were used in the Pahang uprising as well as modern weapons such as guns and explosives. All of these tools were fully utilised in the formulation of war strategy planned by the leader of the Pahang fighters in the uprising, Dato' Bahaman. This combination of war strategy and military innovation became the benchmark of the greatness of the Pahang Malay community in the late 19th century AD.

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-75
Author(s):  
AMNAH SAAYAH Ismail

The Pahang Uprising at the end of the 19th century AD featured various military innovation that proved the greatness of the Pahang Malay community. Pahang Malay fighters used the advantage of their khowledge of nature (the forest) in addition to modern military equipment. Hence, it is the intention of the researchers to examine and identify the military tools used during the Pahang uprising. This paper utilises the methodology of content analysis and literature review. Based on the examination, it was found that military tools such as sumpit and tree roots were used in Pahang uprising as well as modern weapons such as guns and explosive. All of these tools were fully utilised in the formulation of war strategy planned by the leader of the Pahang fighters in the uprising, Dato' Bahaman. This combination of war strategy and military innovation became the benchmark of the greatness of the Pahang Malay community in the late 19th century AD.


2021 ◽  
pp. 146247452110131
Author(s):  
Fernando J Astudillo ◽  
Ross W Jamieson

Transportation to remote islands has been a way that authorities have dealt with criminals since well before the birth of the modern state. What happens to those exiles once on the islands has varied greatly in different times and places. This paper explores the Galápagos plantation run from 1878 to 1904 by Manuel J. Cobos. His operation demonstrates that the patriarchal concept of the hacienda continued to play a key role in the disciplining of perceived criminality in Latin America in the late 19th century, outside of the roles of the military, the police, and penal institutions. The Galápagos example shows the overlaps and tensions between capitalist plantations and state penal colonies in their treatment of transported convicts in the 19th century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-38
Author(s):  
Adolfo Henrique Coutinho e Silva ◽  
Amaury José Rezende ◽  
Flávia Zóboli Dalmácio ◽  
José Paulo Cosenza

ABSTRACT The purpose of this study is to provide a general narrative of the accounting practices of the company Boris Frères & Co. Ltd., popularly known as “Casa Boris,” which played an important role in the trade practices in Brazil's history in the late 19th century. To accomplish this objective, the authors reviewed and summarized the company's account books, accounting records, and other documents from 1882 to 1896, focusing on the usefulness of the accounting practices adopted and identifying the economic and legal factors that influenced its accounting system at the time. The findings constitute important records of Brazil's accounting history in the 19th century and provide evidence concerning the levels of development and adequacy of the accounting practices adopted by Brazilian commercial firms in the period. JEL Classifications: F13; M10; N00; N76.


2012 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-420 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Calderwood

AbstractThis article analyzes two accounts of the Hispano-Moroccan War of 1859–60 in light of scholarly debates about historiography, translation, and modernity in the colonial context. The first text is Ahmad b. Khalid al-Nasiri'sKitab al-Istiqsa(1895), which explores the organization of the Spanish army in an effort to understand the military technology and state apparatus behind colonial domination. The second text, Clemente Cerdeira'sVersión árabe de la Guerra de África(1917), is framed as an annotated Spanish translation of al-Nasiri's text, but Cerdeira suppresses key passages from al-Nasiri's account in order to undermine any hint that the Moroccan historian's thinking is reformist or modern. By comparing these two accounts of the same war, the article aims to situate al-Nasiri's text within the reform movements that spread through the Muslim Mediterranean in the 19th century and to use al-Nasiri's historical thinking as a model for theorizing Moroccan modernity.


Author(s):  
Amin Tarzi

Since its inception as a separate political entity in 1747, Afghanistan has been embroiled in almost perpetual warfare, but it has never been ruled directly by the military. From initial expansionist military campaigns to involvement in defensive, civil, and internal consolidation campaigns, the Afghan military until the mid-19th century remained mainly a combination of tribal forces and smaller organized units. The central government, however, could only gain tenuous monopoly over the use of violence throughout the country by the end of the 19th century. The military as well as Afghan society remained largely illiterate and generally isolated from the prevailing global political and ideological trends until the middle of the 20th century. Politicization of Afghanistan’s military began in very small numbers after World War II with Soviet-inspired communism gaining the largest foothold. Officers associated with the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan were instrumental in two successful coup d’états in the country. In 1979, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, ending the country’s sovereignty and ushering a period of conflict that continues to the second decade of the 21st century in varying degrees. In 2001, the United States led an international invasion of the country, catalyzing efforts at reorganization of the smaller professional Afghan national defense forces that have remained largely apolitical and also the country’s most effective and trusted governmental institution.


Author(s):  
A.V. Zakharevich ◽  

The article is devoted to the history of the famous Kabardian Uzden (nobleman) and the Don Cossack hero of the Russian army of the era of the Napoleonic wars and the military history of the Don Cossacks of the late 18th - first half of the 19th century, General D.G. Begidov (1778-1838). The author researched the history of history and archival sources about the origin and early years of the biography of D.G. Begidov and paid the main attention to his participation in the Napoleonic wars among the Cossacks of the Ataman regi-ment under the command of the legendary Cossack hero of the Patriotic War of 1812 - Ataman M.I. Platov.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 18-37
Author(s):  
Justin E. H. Smith

I clarify Hegel’s role in the Europeanization of philosophy over the course of the 19th century. I begin with an investigation of the way non-Western philosophy was conceptualized in Europe before, and after, I move on to a consideration of the debates about philosophy that emerged in late 19th century China because of European attempts, such as that of Hegel, to circumscribe the geographical and civilizational scope of this discipline. How may we see the emergence of a distinctly modern, generally nationalist, discourse about “Chinese philosophy” within China as a reflection of larger global processes then taking place?


Author(s):  
Rafa Martínez ◽  
Fernando J. Padilla Angulo

During the transition from ancien régime to liberalism that took place in Spain during the first third of the 19th century, the military became a prominent political actor. Many soldiers were members of the country’s first liberal parliament, which in 1812 passed one of the world’s oldest liberal charters, the so-called Constitution of Cádiz. Furthermore, the armed forces fought against the Napoleonic Army’s occupation and, once the Bourbon monarchy was restored, often took arms against the established power. Nineteenth-century Spain was prey to instability due to the struggle between conservative, progressive, liberal, monarchical, and republican factions. It was also a century full of missed opportunities by governments, constitutions, and political regimes, in which the military always played an active role, often a paramount one. Army and navy officers became ministers and heads of government during the central decades of the 19th century, often after a coup. This changed with the establishment of a parliamentary monarchy based on a bipartisan system known as the Restoration (1874–1923). The armed forces were kept away from politics. They focused on their professional activities, thus developing a corporate attitude and an ideological cohesion around a predominantly conservative political stance. Ruling the empire gave the armed forces a huge sphere of influence. Only chief officers were appointed as governors of the Spanish territories in America, Africa, and Asia throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. This went unchanged until 1976, when Spain withdrew from Western Sahara, deemed the country’s last colony. The power accumulated in the overseas territories was often used by the governors to build a political career in metropolitan Spain. Following the end of the Restoration in 1923, the armed forces engaged with the political struggle in full again. After a military-led dictatorship, a frustrated republic, and a fratricidal civil war, a dictatorship was established in 1939 that lasted for almost 40 years: the Francoist regime. Francisco Franco leaned on the military as a repressive force and a legitimacy source for a regime established as a result of a war. After the dictator passed away in 1975, Spain underwent a transition to democracy which was accepted by the armed forces somehow reluctantly, as the coup attempt of 1981 made clear. At that time, the military was the institution that Spanish society trusted the least. It was considered a poorly trained and equipped force. Even its troops’ volume and budget were regarded as excessive. However, the armed forces have undergone an intense process of modernization since the end of 1980s. They have become fully professional, their budget and numbers have been reduced, and they have successfully taken part in European Union (EU), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and United Nations (UN)-led international missions. In the early 21st century, the armed forces are Spain’s second-best valued institution. Far from its formerly interventionist role throughout the 19th century and a good deal of the 20th, Spain’s armed forces in the 21st century have become a state tool and a public administration controlled by democratically elected governments.


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