scholarly journals Ensaio IV: Um Plano para uma Paz Universal e Perpétua / Essay IV – A Plan for an Universal and Perpetual Peace

1969 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 164-192
Author(s):  
Jeremy Bentham

O artigo “Ensaio IV: Um plano para uma Paz Universal e Perpétua”, de Jeremy Bentham, é uma contribuição da BJIR aos leitores brasileiros. Ele é um texto clássico, pouco explorado na disciplina de Relações Internacionais no país e que, até então, não possuía tradução na língua portuguesa. No geral, o autor traça um plano para uma paz universal e perpétua e busca convencer a opinião pública global por meio da imprensa de que ele atenderá ao bem comum de todas as nações civilizadas. Para tanto, segundo Bentham, faz-se necessário que todas as nações assumam como seus três grandes objetivos: simplicidade de governo, parcimônia nacional e paz.  The paper “Essay IV: A plan for a universal and perpetual peace”, by Jeremy Bentham, is a contribution from BJIR to the readers. This is a classic essay, little-known in international relations academy in the country and that, then, wasn't translated to portuguese. In general, the author creates a plan for universal and perpetual peace and seeks to convinve the global public opinion, using the press as means, that it would serve to common well of all civilized nations. To do so, according to Betham, it is necessary that all nations assume its three great goals: govern simplicity, national parsimony and peace.

2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-252
Author(s):  
Frédéric Rimoux

The international thought of the early utilitarian thinkers Jeremy Bentham and James Mill remains little known and largely misunderstood. Most commentators give them a superficial appreciation or criticize their supposed naivety, in both cases mostly assuming that Mill borrowed his thoughts from Bentham's writings alone. This questionable reception overlooks some essential aspects of Bentham's and Mill's extensive reflections on war and peace, in particular their constant effort to overcome the tension between individual freedom and collective security. In reality, the fertile dialogue between the two thinkers gradually crystallized into an independent utilitarian peace theory centered on law and public opinion as instruments of an ambitious reform of international relations according to the principle of utility. They managed to elaborate a fragile synthesis between liberal principles and considerations of political realism, which grants their utilitarian peace theory a singular place in the historical efforts to systematically define the conditions of world peace.


Author(s):  
Helmer Helmers

Focusing on the contested succession of James II in 1685, this chapter argues that succession literature shaped, and was being shaped by, international relations. It shows that James’s succession led to an Anglo-Scottish propaganda battle in the Dutch Republic as both government agents and the Whig opposition in exile aimed to influence Dutch foreign policy by winning public opinion. Analysis of this British battle for Dutch support, the succession publicity it generated, and the responses it elicited, reveals a remarkable change in Dutch succession publicity. Before the succession, Dutch pamphlets mostly favoured Whig perspectives. After the failed rebellions led by the Duke of Monmouth and the Earl of Argyll, however, pro-Stuart publications came to dominate the press. This shift is shown to have been the result of struggles over Dutch foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Frankel

This chapter reviews Jonathan Frankel's The Damascus Affair. Frankel is an experienced Israeli historian, and the chapter reveals how his expertise is employed in the book to create a story that reflects Jewish history, international relations, and sociology. The book analyses the events in Damascus, the fervent activity of individuals and, somewhat later, of various Jewish associations in Europe in favour of the accused and against the blood libel, the press polemics and the changes in public opinion, and the diplomatic activity forming the background of the whole affair. In the last chapters, Frankel presents the views of historians, who in most cases did not consider the episode to deserve a prominent place in Jewish history and gave it scant treatment. He likewise puts forward his own conclusions about the significance of these events for Jewish political, ideological, and social life in the next century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-100
Author(s):  
Arseniy D. Kumankov

The article considers the modern meaning of Kant’s doctrine of war. The author examines the context and content of the key provisions of Kant’s concept of perpetual peace. The author also reviews the ideological affinity between Kant and previous authors who proposed to build alliances of states as a means of preventing wars. It is noted that the French revolution and the wars caused by it, the peace treaty between France and Prussia served as the historical background for the conceptualization of Kant’s project. In the second half of the 20th century, there is a growing attention to Kant’s ethical and political philosophy. Theorists of a wide variety of political and ethical schools, (cosmopolitanism, internationalism, and liberalism) pay attention to Kant’s legacy and relate their own concepts to it. Kant’s idea of war is reconsidered by Michael Doyle, Jürgen Habermas, Ulrich Beck, Mary Kaldor, Brian Orend. Thus, Doyle tracks democratic peace theory back to Kant’s idea of the spread of republicanism. According to democratic peace theory, liberal democracies do not solve conflict among themselves by non-military methods. Habermas, Beck, Kaldor appreciate Kant as a key proponent of cosmopolitanism. For them, Kant’s project is important due to notion of supranational forms of cooperation. They share an understanding that peace will be promoted by an allied authority, which will be “governing without government” and will take responsibility for the functioning of the principles of pacification of international relations. Orend’s proves that Kant should be considered as a proponent of the just war theory. In addition, Orend develops a new area in just war theory – the concept of ius post bellum – and justifies regime change as the goal of just war.


2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 473-476
Author(s):  
TAKASHI INOGUCHI

This special issue focuses on the role of civil society in international relations. It highlights the dynamics and impacts of public opinion on international relations (Zaller, 1992). Until recently, it was usual to consider public opinion in terms of its influence on policy makers and in terms of moulding public opinion in the broad frame of the policy makers in one's country. Given that public opinion in the United States was assessed and judged so frequently and diffused so globally, it was natural to frame questions guided by those concepts which pertained to the global and domestic context of the United States.


1995 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 412-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guo-Qiang Zhang ◽  
Sidney Kraus

This content analysis of Chinese newspapers before and after the Tiananmen Square protest examines the symbolic representation of the Student Movement of 1989 in China. The study reveals that top leaders manipulated symbols given to the media and that these symbols rigorously highlighted the dominant ideology of the Chinese Communist Party and isolated the movement participants. Officials attempted to legitimize the military suppression of the movement. The press construction of public opinion echoed the hegemonic process created and maintained by the party structure.


1977 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 286-307 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Kubálková ◽  
A. A. Cruickshank

The title of the article is intended to focus the attention of Western writers on international relations theory upon two aspects of this rapidly growing research area. Rather than meeting with an incomprehensible neglect it is our argument that the aspects referred to might well be accorded one of the key places. Failure to do so, it our contention, when transferred from considerations of theoretical efficiency into the no less precarious realm of practical policy, might well have proportionately hazardous implications. We would beg forbearance, however, if within the necessarily limited scope of this article only a very perfunctory and sketchy outline of the meaning and implications of the omissions can be given. The sole purpose of this article is to provoke interest in these particular areas rather than to supply the deficiencies – a task which clearly could only be undertaken in the expanded context of a major work.


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