Protestant Providentialism in the Commonwealth of the Nobles: A critical view on Sarmatism

This study is devoted to providentialism, an element characteristic of Sarmatism – a dominant ideology and culture in the early modern Commonwealth of the nobles. The attachment of special weight to providence’s care of the state and the nobility seems to have been characteristic also of Protestant circles in the sixteenth and early seventeenth century, and therefore the culture of the nobles’ Sarmatism should not be reduced to its late form, dominated as it was by Catholicism in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

Polityka podatkowa nazistowskich Niemiec — zarys problematyki

Taxes constitute an integral part of the state economic policy, regardless of the political system or dominant ideology. It is therefore not surprising that they were an essential tool for achieving the goals of Nazi Germany, of both fiscal and non-fiscal nature. The purpose of the paper is to examine in scientific terms the issues of (i) the use of taxes by the governments of Nazi Germany to increase budget revenues necessary to achieve political and military goals, as well as (ii) the Nazis’ recognition of public levies as a form of specific economic oppression serving the implementation of the state’s policy towards the Jewish population in Germany.

Creative dimensions of dniprovs's underground artists: Volodymyr Bublyk and Anatoly Sologub

The purpose of the article is to analyze the creative layer of the little-known Dnipro underground representatives in Ukrainian art criticism Volodymyr Bublyk (1950–2007) and Anatolii Solohub (1953–2014). As the methodology of scientific research was used an art history analysis based on the complex systematization, comparison, and generalization. The scientific novelty is in the introduction into scientific circulation of a significant part of the graphic heritage of Volodymyr Bublyk and Anatolii Solohub in the Dnipro region underground context of the 1980 s – 2000 s. Conclusions. An analysis of Volodymyr Bublyk and Anatolii Solohub’s work reveals a number of important aspects for characterizing the Dnipro “art of resistance”. The latter was formed in the conditions of a “closed” city, the impossibility of official exhibiting due to an alienated attitude towards the dominant ideology in the artistic process of that time. For many artists, these factors often became the cause of the existential catastrophe of every creative person. With contemporaries-brothers Volodymyr Loboda (1943), Serhii Aliev-Kovyka (1956), Oleksandr Nemiatyi (1954), the above-mentioned masters were related by the chosen format of radicalism, which was truly underground. However, the methods of creative communication of each person differed depending on the acquired life experience, the available body of knowledge, and personal temperament. The paintings of Volodymyr Bubluk combine the expression of images in a coloristic system that goes back to the aesthetics of the Fauves. A similar stylistic model of the master's painting can be delineated by the category of intuitive expressionism. The works of Anatolii Solohub are closely related to the folk tradition in their subject matter. The inner tension of his compositions, combined with unrestrained dynamics, strives for visual communication with the viewer. Key words: Dnipro underground, plein air, painting, graphics, sculpture, folk painting, art society "Steppe".

Racismo no futebol

PT. O presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar os Julgamentos (Martin e White, 2005) presentes no discurso midiático a respeito de um caso de racismo sofrido pelo jogador Daniel Alves em 2014, à época, no Barcelona. A análise foi feita a partir do fragmento de um corpus coletado em minha pesquisa de mestrado (Pimenta, 2019), compilado com a plataforma Sketch Engine a partir de 65 artigos de hard news sobre o tema, publicados de forma online no Brasil, totalizando 21.387 formas, 1.014 sentenças e 25.127 palavras. Para os trechos analisados neste artigo, considera-se apenas os trechos das notícias nos quais a voz do repórter está sendo utilizada em primeiro plano. A análise é realizada a partir da Linguística Sistêmico-Funcional (Halliday e Matthiessen, 2014) e do Sistema de Avaliatividade (Martin e White, 2005), a partir dos quais a linguagem é visualizada como um sistema sociossemiótico, ou seja, entende-se que a comunicação se dá por um sistema, sendo ele repleto de significados de cunhos sociais e culturais. O trabalho também se baseia na hipótese de que as hard news nunca são neutras (White, 2003) e, portanto, passíveis da presença de significados avaliativos ao longo do texto. Para compreender o contexto no qual as notícias estão sendo relatadas, há ainda uma compreensão inicial sobre alguns preceitos das relações raciais no Brasil e no futebol. Os resultados mostram que a linguagem utilizada pelo discurso midiático opera como fator de reforço para padrões de representação sobre o racismo no futebol e seus aspectos presentes na sociedade brasileira. Uma vez em que o racismo é base para as formas de desigualdade e violência dessa sociedade (Almeida, 2019), é possível observar que a presença deste na estrutura se mostra visível na linguagem em uso. Os dados obtidos nesta pesquisa oferecem, ainda, um desenho para uma metodologia de análise de aspectos sociológicos do esporte e do racismo como ideologia vigente por meio da linguagem intrínseca. *** EN. This article analyzes the judgments (Martin and White, 2005) developed in the media coverage of a case of racial discrimination experienced by Brazilian Daniel Alves in 2014, at the time playing for the FC Barcelona. The analysis is based on a segment of a corpus compiled as part of a master's research (Pimenta, 2019) using the platform Sketch Engine. The corpus is composed of 65 hard news articles published online in Brazilian media, which break down into 21,387 forms, 1,014 sentences and 25,127 words. The analysis focuses exclusively on extracts in which the journalist’s position is made clear. Research methodology is based on systemic-functional linguistics (Halliday and Matthiessen, 2014) and appraisal theory (Martin and White, 2005), which consider language as a socio-semiotic system loaded with social and cultural meanings, through which communication occurs. The research is based on the hypothesis that hard news is never neutral (White, 2003). On the contrary, hard news articles include an evaluative dimension throughout the reports. Understanding some of the precepts of race relations in Brazil and in soccer is central to better understant the context in which the news is reported. Results of the analysis show that the language produced by media coverage reinforces standards of race representation in soccer, which is part of the larger racial discrimination dynamics that characterize contemporary Brazilian society. The language used by the media indeed illustrates how racial discrimination is a root cause of inequality and violence in Brazilian society today (Almeida, 2019). Based on the data collected, a methodological model of analysis was developed through language and its intrinsic features, allowing to reveal specific sociological aspects of sports and racial discrimination, which still today remains a dominant ideology. *** FR. Cet article analyse les jugements (Martin et White, 2005) présents dans le discours médiatique autour d’un cas de racisme subi par le Brésilien Daniel Alves en 2014, à l’époque joueur du FC Barcelone. L'analyse se penche sur une partie d’un corpus plus large compilé dans le cadre d’une recherche de master (Pimenta, 2019) à l’aide de la plateforme Sketch Engine. Ce corpus de 65 articles de hard news sur le sujet, publiés en ligne dans des médias brésiliens, est constitué de 21 387 formes, 1 014 phrases et 25 127 mots. L’analyse porte uniquement sur les extraits où la voix du journaliste apparait au premier plan. L’apport méthodologique repose sur la linguistique systémique-fonctionnelle (Halliday et Matthiessen, 2014) et sur la théorie de l’évaluation (Martin et White, 2005), où le langage est perçu comme un système socio-sémiotique chargé de significations de natures sociale et culturelle, au travers duquel se réalise la communication. Notre étude part de l'hypothèse que les hard news ne sont jamais neutres (White, 2003). Bien au contraire, elles sont sujettes à la présence de significations évaluatives tout au long du texte. Ainsi, pour appréhender le contexte dans lequel sont rapportées les informations d’actualité, il importe également de comprendre certains préceptes des relations raciales au Brésil et dans le football. Les résultats montrent que le langage produit par le discours médiatique renforce les standards de représentation du racisme dans le football et les aspects de ce racisme qui caractérisent la société brésilienne. En effet, le langage des médias illustre bien le fait que le racisme est à la base des formes d'inégalité et de violence de cette société (Almeida, 2019). A partir des données recueillies, nous avons pu construire un modèle méthodologique d'analyse, par le biais du langage et des traits qui lui sont intrinsèques, capable de révéler certains aspects sociologiques du sport et du racisme, qui s’avèrent constituer l'idéologie dominante. ***

An Empirical Analysis of the Structuration of American Ideologies About Economic Justice

A consensus has been forming among structural social psychologists that most Americans hold beliefs in both individualistic and structural explanations of inequality. Yet, even many who espouse structural beliefs nonetheless emphasize individual-level explanations of inequality to disproportionate extents. This study is aimed to identify common trends in the logic used by a conventional group of Americans – MBA students – to rationalize their more general political and economic beliefs. While a large number of studies have emphasized the prevalence of dominant ideology beliefs, and others have speculated theoretically on how such beliefs are reproduced, this study aims to bring these bodies of work together. I sought to build an initial understanding of how contradictions in Americans’ political and economic ideologies are transmuted, and to identify heuristic concepts fundamental to this process. Findings suggest that particular assumptions about human nature serve to “fill” the cognitive “gap” which would otherwise present individuals with insurmountable ambiguities in their ideologies about economic justice. Respondents also reflected some level of awareness of the impact of ideology on their thought processes, even as they accept such processes, and the realities they constitute, as inevitable.

Taking ideology seriously in the time of plague: insights versus distractions

This article argues that insights from ideology theory shed valuable light on the political aspects of COVID-19 and help understand and categorise policy responses to it. Much of the debate on the politics of COVID-19 has been dominated by questions concerning populism, but this article contends that this is not a fruitful direction for understanding current developments. The argument advanced here is that populism is a hollow and incoherent ideological category and so does not provide a suitable departure point to explore the ideological dimension of the pandemic. On the other hand, a critical engagement with the dominant ideology of neoliberalism goes a long way to explain different kinds of political fallout from COVID-19. While neoliberalism is unfit for the challenge posed by the virus, identifying the ideological underpinnings of the neoliberal approach may help to grasp its implications and formulate urgently needed alternatives.

Episodic Literary Movement and Translation: Ideology Embodied in Prefaces

This paper discusses translation practices from a historicist viewpoint, contextualizing them in their emerging “episode.” The latter is a concept drawn from sociology of literature and accounts for the rise of certain discourses and ideologies in a society. On the basis of the argument that translation practices are informed by the general literary and socio-cultural milieu in which they are produced and consumed (also known as ideology of representation), the paper studies the translators’ prefaces to three translations published between 1953 and 1978—a period dominated by Leftist and Marxist discourse in Iran. Drawing on a historically oriented model which holds that the translator’s ideology is revealed at the moment in which he/she chooses a text, and continues through the discourse he/she develops to translate that text, the research embarks on studying translation practices on two levels of choice mechanism and prefaces. Prefaces are discussed in the light of the dominant ideology of representation that is characterized by a revolutionary discourse. The research demonstrates that these translators opted for a strategy that incorporates the translations in the Persian cultural setting with minor changes in a way that politicizes the foreign literature.

This Can’t Be Legal? Queer Masculinities in the 1940s Hollywood Musical

This chapter looks at exemplary musicals of the 1940s to show how they can readily be read as “queer” even when they are not openly “gay.” For, despite the predominance of conservative romance plots clinching the future of a male-female couple, many 1940s musicals registered the incoherence characterizing the culture’s understanding of effeminacy in relation to manliness, of homosexuality in relation to heterosexuality, and of deviance in relation to normality. Although today we may see those relations as homologous, in the 1940s they foregrounded fissures in the dominant ideology as it classified sexual dissidence by making it invisible and illegal. The chapter looks at examples of sexual dissidence in show numbers, a military pairing, homosocial buddy pairings, and comedic drag sequences. The films examined are Down to Earth, Up in Arms, Anchors Aweigh, Two Guys from Texas, Road to Morocco, and Bathing Beauty.

V. Gordon Childe and Arnold Hauser on the social origins of the artist

Vere Gordon Childe’s theory of craft specialisation was an important influence on Arnold Hauser’s book The Social History of Art, published in 1951. Childe’s Marxist interpretation of prehistory enabled Hauser to establish a material foundation for the occupation of the artist in Western art history. However, Hauser’s effort to construct a progressive basis for artistic labour was complicated by art’s ancient connections to religion and superstition. While the artist’s social position and class loyalties were ambiguous in Childe’s accounts of early civilisations, Hauser consigned artists to the lower echelons of society. This relegation did not imply that Hauser had a low regard for artistic skills. Quite the opposite, the artist’s inferior social status enabled Hauser to distance artists from the ruling class, and consequently, to separate artistic handiwork from the dominant ideology that works of art manifested.

A cook must not be bohed in his own soup...

This article completes the series of publications, which explores the political and social phenomenon of the Russian dissent during his three-century history. It shows that the processes akin to convergence of the power and its opponents, primarily from intelligentsia, have first become apparent in the time of the Thaw and led to the mitigation of the confrontation between the power and dissenters. It has happened since this confrontation was caused not by ontological cruelty and psychopathology of people in law-enforcement bodies, but by century-long uncompromising class struggle in the Russian Empire and the USSR. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the rejection of socialism have happened in the end of 20th century overall dynamically and bloodlessly. The majority of the Russians saw in socialism with the domination of the State in the major fields of activity the main cause of the degradation of economy, underdevelopment of social sphere, dissociation with the rest of the world professing different forms of individualism. The rejection of a dominant ideology fixed in the Constitution of the New Russia, active inculcation of individual and corporative entrepreneurship has made the traditional dissent senseless, but have given rise to its new forms; dissent as business, in particular. Placidity in relation to disappearance “forever” of the “power-dissenters” confrontation has proved to be premature. In the future we have very likely to expect hot political discussions in the Internet and in power-controlled form in traditional media, but, in the main, young-people street protests. The goal of these coordinated and spontaneous actions – to take hold of information and power resources for the realization of no longer national but individual or corporative interests.