A Study on the “New Type of Major Power Relationship” -Focusing on the U.S.-China relations during Donald Trump’s presidency-

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-36
Author(s):  
In-hee Han

2017 ◽  
Vol 03 (01) ◽  
pp. 39-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liangxiang Jin

There are two prevailing arguments among international observers about China’s role in the Middle East. One is that China has been a “security free-rider;” the other is that China is fundamentally a business-seeker. Yet neither of the two is well-grounded. If viewed comprehensively rather than in terms of military engagement alone, China’s contribution to stability and security of the region is enormous, and its role in the Middle East can be described as a combination of a major economic partner, a low-profile mediator and a modest but important provider of security public goods. As China has proposed various new concepts and initiatives as guidelines of its foreign policy, its future policy toward the Middle East can be best understood through its increasing efforts to promote the “Belt and Road” initiative, to develop a new-type major-power relationship, and to uphold justice and pursue shared interests with all related countries. With ever more Chinese engagement in the region, China’s Middle East policy is expected to be delivered in a more comprehensive way. However, China is not likely to seek dominant presence in the region in the foreseeable future.



Asia Policy ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Lampton


Author(s):  
Karolina Achirri

The increasing numbers of Chinese learners studying at American universities and the high mobility across borders have recently challenged prevailing stereotypes of Asians in education. While studies of Chinese students are abundant, there has been scant research on how intercultural learning unfolds in these students’ adjustment to both academic and social settings. To address this research gap, I center my case study around six of my former students from China and examine their progress at different U.S. institutions. Data from their journals were coded and analyzed qualitatively. In tracing my participants’ first semester trajectory and their strategies to adapt to the new environments, I draw on critical approaches to the established models of ICC (Byram, 1997; Deardorff, 2006; Dervin, 2016). Through investigating my students’ previous exposure to Western education and its role in their adjustment, their intercultural encounters in the U.S., and the learning that emerges from such encounters, this project offers insights into how previous linguistic and educational experiences can be mobilized and optimized to enhance intercultural learning and what frictions can occur in the process of adaptation. I also delineate characteristics of a new type of students from China, namely individuals who move fluidly between cultures in hybridized ways. I conclude by providing pedagogical implications for language educators who work with multicultural learners.



2018 ◽  
Vol 175 ◽  
pp. 283-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sayanti Mukherjee ◽  
Roshanak Nateghi ◽  
Makarand Hastak


2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoshihide Soeya

This paper argues that “China threat” was largely a myth and that the China factor was not the critical factor leading to the re-affirmation process of the U.S.-Japan alliance in the mid-1990s. It took the 1994 Korean crisis for this to materialize. The China factor was important only as a general background, and the role of the U.S.-Japan alliance in dealing with the rise of China was implicit, remaining in the domain of managing shifting major power relations after the Cold War rather than being directed against the myth of a “China threat.” The paper also argues that preoccupation with Japan as an independent security pole is an important source of confusion about the nature of Japan's security policies and its profile therein, which, as before, will continue to be premised on the U.S.-Japan alliance. It explains actual records of Japanese security behaviors as a series of attempts to cope with the dual identity as a security actor. Japan's readjustment to the post-Cold War security environment, founded upon the re-affirmation of the U.S.-Japan alliance, was a clear case in point.



중소연구 ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 19-48
Author(s):  
Jae Cheol Kim
Keyword(s):  
New Type ◽  


Author(s):  
Tomiwa Sunday Adebayo ◽  
Victor Adjarho Ovuakporaye

Bringing together two nations that are so disconnected from culture and history was a major task. China's attempts to develop a new kind of great power relationship and a 'new type of military-to-military relationship with the United State is not a major turning point. Political relations place restrictions for military cooperation and the two countries were unable to establish a viable strategic relationship. That has attributed to a trend in military ties which is on and off. Trends show a level of frequent interruptions in military-to-military interactions between 2000 and 2010, accompanied by a rise in relationships starting in 2012 to date. However, hurdles on both ends are likely to restrict mutual understanding and inhibit the advancement of military-to-military ties in the future. The issue of Taiwan, China behaviors in the SCS, and its hegemony in the region were too insignificant to form a foundation for a permanent partnership.



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