7 An Exploration of Conditions for Building a New Type of Major Power Relationship between China and the United States

2017 ◽  
pp. 114-133
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Power Relationship ◽  
Major Power ◽  
New Type

scholarly journals China’s New Role in Global Governance: Shaping the Emerging World Order

2017 ◽  
Vol 03 (03) ◽  
pp. 341-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yafei He
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Development Strategy ◽  
Global Governance ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Power Relationship ◽  
Governance System ◽  
Major Power ◽  
China Model

Since China rejoined the global economy four decades ago, it has adopted a peaceful development strategy that is deeply rooted in the peaceful DNA of the Chinese civilization. Benefiting from comprehensive engagement with other countries, China has bolstered its contribution to globalization and the global governance system with its own robust economic growth, more active participation in such key mechanisms as the Group of Twenty (G20), and a “China model” that provides valuable lessons for other nations on their social and economic development. Now that the global governance system is under serious challenge due to sudden withdrawal of many of the United States’ global commitments by the Trump administration, China is in a good position to shoulder more responsibilities while fostering a new type of major-power relationship with the United States.

Urban electric railway management and operation in Britain and America 1900–14

Urban History ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 22-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. D. Reilly
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Capital Market ◽  
The United States ◽  
Comparative Performance ◽  
Transit System ◽  
Investment Projects ◽  
Industrial Sectors ◽  
Difficult Time ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Capital Market

The debate about the comparative performance of the British and American economies around the turn of the century has involved most industrial sectors. In the case of the railways, the argument goes back at least to 1887, when a critical analysis of English railway operations compared to those of the United States was published. For British railway companies, the years after 1900 were a particularly difficult time especially in the capital market, and many new investment projects were abandoned, although not solely because of adverse conditions in the capital market. A substantial number of these projects were probably of a marginal nature but the eighteen-year period between 1890 and 1908 also saw the development of a new type of railway – the urban rapid transit system. This was in response to two very different factors – the continuing growth of cities and the application of electric power in a form suitable for railway use. The spread of these systems in Britain paralleled their expansion in the United States.

The Biden Administration’s China and Taiwan Policies: Connecting the Dots

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (03) ◽  
pp. 101-116
Author(s):  
John F COPPER
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Power Relationship ◽  
Connecting The Dots

US China and US Taiwan policies in the first half-year plus of the Biden administration saw relations with China deteriorate and improve with Taiwan. This furthered trends of the Trump presidency and appeared to push the United States closer to a war with China. The author also looks at the power relationship between the two countries and President Biden’s desperate efforts to gather allies against China, making it a struggle between democracy and authoritarianism.

scholarly journals China’s Role in the Middle East: Current Debates and Future Trends

2017 ◽  
Vol 03 (01) ◽  
pp. 39-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liangxiang Jin
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Power Relationship ◽  
Major Power ◽  
Low Profile ◽  
New Concepts ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
New Type ◽  
Future Policy ◽  
Military Engagement ◽  
Middle East Policy

There are two prevailing arguments among international observers about China’s role in the Middle East. One is that China has been a “security free-rider;” the other is that China is fundamentally a business-seeker. Yet neither of the two is well-grounded. If viewed comprehensively rather than in terms of military engagement alone, China’s contribution to stability and security of the region is enormous, and its role in the Middle East can be described as a combination of a major economic partner, a low-profile mediator and a modest but important provider of security public goods. As China has proposed various new concepts and initiatives as guidelines of its foreign policy, its future policy toward the Middle East can be best understood through its increasing efforts to promote the “Belt and Road” initiative, to develop a new-type major-power relationship, and to uphold justice and pursue shared interests with all related countries. With ever more Chinese engagement in the region, China’s Middle East policy is expected to be delivered in a more comprehensive way. However, China is not likely to seek dominant presence in the region in the foreseeable future.

scholarly journals U.S.-China Relations Under the Trump Administration: Changes and Challenges

2019 ◽  
Vol 05 (03) ◽  
pp. 289-315
Author(s):  
Sanja Arežina
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
High Tech ◽  
Major Power ◽  
Strategic Vision ◽  
Global Power ◽  
The World ◽  
Common Goals ◽  
Power Centers ◽  
Trump Administration

The beginning of the 21st century witnessed remarkable changes in the distribution of global power. The lack of strategic vision by the United States has resulted in a power crisis, which in turn accelerates the trends of new multipolarity with several power centers in the world. Since President Trump took office in January 2017, the United States has been challenging the established norms of international relations on many fronts and, in particular, shifting its policy toward China to one that trumpets geopolitical rivalry amid their economic interdependence. The ever increasing anxiety of the United States has undermined multilateralism and globalization, generating profound consequences and impacts on major-power relations around the world. In the future, Washington and Beijing must seek common goals that can bring them together to resolve disagreements and set boundaries for potential conflicts. The U.S. leadership should always keep in mind that China is an important partner; and if the two powers fail to cooperate, there will be devastating implications for the whole world. In the meantime, Washington and Beijing need to be aware that an acute conflict of any kind between two high-tech countries may substantially change the world for all.

American Orientalism in Korea

2015 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-165
Author(s):  
Charles Kraus
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
English Language ◽  
The United States ◽  
Power Relationship ◽  
Korean People ◽  
American Orientalism ◽  
Post War ◽  
North And South

People express and exercise power as much through words as through actions. Yet scholars never have examined systematically how officials and others in the United States actually talked and wrote about Korea, both north and south, during the momentous interwar period. This article unearths crude depictions of the Korean people common in American writings from the 1940s and 1950s, arguing that this rhetoric created and reinforced an unequal power relationship between the United States and Korea. These negative discourses about Koreans, as expressions of American Orientalism, had important implications for u.s.policy in Korea and for the post-war trajectory of developments on the entire Korean peninsula. They also have left a perceptible imprint on English-language scholarship engaging in assessments of Korea ever since.

Patterns and Sources of Ticket Splitting in Subpresidential Voting

1992 ◽  
Vol 86 (4) ◽  
pp. 916-928 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Allen Beck ◽  
Lawrence Baum ◽  
Aage R. Clausen ◽  
Charles E. Smith
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Primary Source ◽  
The United States ◽  
Individual Characteristics ◽  
Divided Government ◽  
Comprehensive Model ◽  
Research Traditions ◽  
Comprehensive Examination ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Individual

The primary source of divided government in the United States is voters who split their ballots between the parties. Yet there has been little comprehensive examination of either patterns or sources of ticket splitting in recent years. Instead, divergent lines of research have emerged, emphasizing such things as voter partisanship, incumbency, and a “new” (young, well-educated, even partisan) kind of ticket splitter; and their focus has been too often restricted to the atypical president–Congress pair. We seek to unify these research traditions in a comprehensive model of split-ticket voting and to test this model across the partisan ballot in a typical election setting-here, the contests for five Ohio state-wide offices in 1990. The model incorporates partisan strength, candidate visibility, and the individual characteristics that distinguish the “new ticket splitters”. The results support our partisan strength and candidate visibility explanations but provide little support for the emergence of a new type of ticket splitter.

Consular Privileges and Immunities Under the Treaties of Friendship, Commerce and Consular Rights

1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-267
Author(s):  
Irvin Stewart
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Subject Matter ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Senate ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Subject

The reëstablishment of treaty relations with Germany seems to have afforded occasion for a new type of treaty incorporating new principles,restating old ones and generally rearranging the subject-matter considered.Provisions relating to consular privileges and immunities show the influence of this new consideration. The Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Consular Rights with Germany has been followed by similar treaties with Estonia and Hungary. Ratification of a like treaty with Salvador has been advised and consented to by the United States Senate, but the exchange of ratifications has not yet been announced. A consular convention with Cuba follows the corresponding provisions in the treaties of friendship, commerce and consular rights so far as consular privileges and immunities are concerned. As press reports have indicated that similar treaties may be negotiated with other states, it is possible that there may be an extensive redefinition of consular privileges and immunities along the lines of the provisions of the recently published treaties. In the light of this possibility the contents of this part of the treaties are of great importance and an examination of them of present interest. As the Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Consular Rights with Germany was the first of the series,the following discussion is based upon the provisions of that treaty, with attention being given to the more important departures in the later treaties.

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