LATIN AMERICAN POLICY COMPONENT OF THE US, PRC AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION: POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
pp. 154-177
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The paper considers the assessment of the influence of the Latin American component of the policy of the states of the strategic triangle "Russia-China-USA" on the national security of these countries. An approach to comparing the impact of the component is proposed, which makes it possible to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in Latin America and other regions of the world. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 135-147
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The paper considers the assessment of the impact of the possible consequences of the implementation of the Chinese concept of the Community of a Single Destiny of Humanity on the system of international relations in the XXI century and ensuring the national security of the People's Republic of China, the United States of America and the Russian Federation. An approach to the assessment of the above – mentioned influence and changes in the policy of the states of the strategic triangle Russia – China – USA is proposed, which allows identifying the policy priorities of these countries in different regions of the world. The results of the assessment can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (7) ◽  
pp. 156-170
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The paper considers the assessment of the influence of the Latin American component of the policy of the United States of America, the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on the national security of these countries. An approach is proposed to compare the influence of the Latin American component of the policy of the states of the strategic triangle Russia-China-USA, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in Latin America and other regions of the world. The work can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country.


1964 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 549-572
Author(s):  
Peter H. Smith

One of the most frequent justifications for the United States’ participation in the space race is that, for better or for worse, the nation's prestige is hanging in the balance. Aside from the military, paramilitary, and scientific aspects of the question, it is argued that the Soviet and American space teams are locked in a political struggle whose outcome will be regarded as incontrovertible proof of the relative cultural and economic merits of Communism and democracy: Sputnik I, for instance, was regarded more as a blow to our national honor than as a threat to the national security. While the basis of this outlook is undeniably valid, the attempt to elevate the United States’ prestige through its efforts in space is greatly complicated by the necessity for understanding the criteria upon which other nations of the world—particularly the unaligned and less developed ones —are liable to compare East vs. West. Even so, there have been virtually no systematic analyses of the impact of the space race on the “target” countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-20
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The aim of the work is to assess the impact of the African component of the policy of the states of the strategic triangle Russia-China-USA on the implementation of their current economic and military policy. The assessment of the impact of this component on the national security of these countries is considered. An approach to the comparison of such influence is proposed, which makes it possible to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in Africa and other regions of the world. The article can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (11) ◽  
pp. 164-179
Author(s):  
Dmitry V. Gordienko ◽  

The strategic and doctrinal documents of the United States, China and the Russian Feder-ation set out the views of the military and political leadership of these countries on how each country presents its main priorities in the field of foreign policy and ensuring global and regional security. This will allow us to formulate the interests of Russia, the United States and China. The paper examines the interests of Russia, the United States and China in the regions of the world and identifies the priorities of Russia's activities in Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Asia-Pacific region, the Arctic, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America, a comparative assessment with the interests of the United States and China. The proposed ap-proach to assessing the impact of the possible consequences of the activities of the United States and China on the realization of Russia's interests makes it possible to identify the priorities of the policy of the Russian Federation in various regions of the world. The results of the study can be used to substantiate recommenda-tions to the military-political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the discrepancy between the inter-ests of the United States and China is important for the implementation of the current economic and military policy of the Russian Federation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda J. Bilmes

AbstractThe United States has traditionally defined national security in the context of military threats and addressed them through military spending. This article considers whether the United States will rethink this mindset following the disruption of the Covid19 pandemic, during which a non-military actor has inflicted widespread harm. The author argues that the US will not redefine national security explicitly due to the importance of the military in the US economy and the bipartisan trend toward growing the military budget since 2001. However, the pandemic has opened the floodgates with respect to federal spending. This shift will enable the next administration to allocate greater resources to non-military threats such as climate change and emerging diseases, even as it continues to increase defense spending to address traditionally defined military threats such as hypersonics and cyberterrorism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Bittencourt Gonzalez Mosegui ◽  
Fernando Antõnanzas ◽  
Cid Manso de Mello Vianna ◽  
Paula Rojas

Abstract Background The objective of this paper is to analyze the prices of biological drugs in the treatment of Rheumatoid Arthritis (RA) in three Latin American countries (Brazil, Colombia and Mexico), as well as in Spain and the United States of America (US), from the point of market entry of biosimilars. Methods We analyzed products authorized for commercialization in the last 20 years, in Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico, comparing them to the United States of America (USA) and Spain. For this analysis, we sought the prices and registries of drugs marketed between 1999 and October 1, 2019, in the regulatory agencies’ databases. The pricing between countries was based on purchasing power parity (PPP). Results The US authorized the commercialization of 13 distinct biologicals and four biosimilars in the period. Spain and Brazil marketed 14 biopharmaceuticals for RA, ten original, four biosimilars. Colombia and Mexico have authorized three biosimilars in addition to the ten biological ones. For biological drug prices, the US is the most expensive country. Spain’s price behavior seems intermediate when compared to the three LA countries. Brazil has the highest LA prices, followed by Mexico and Colombia, which has the lowest prices. Spain has the lowest values in PPP, compared to LA countries, while the US has the highest prices. Conclusion The economic effort that LA countries make to access these medicines is much higher than the US and Spain. The use of the PPP ensured a better understanding of the actual access to these inputs in the countries analyzed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (10) ◽  
pp. 149-166
Author(s):  
Dmitry V. Gordienko ◽  

The paper examines the interests of Russia, the United States and China in the regions of the world and identifies the priorities of Russia's activities in Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Asia-Pacific region, the Arctic, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America, their comparative assessment with the interests of the United States and China. An approach to assessing the impact of possible consequences of the activities of the United States and China on the realization of Russia's interests is proposed. This makes it possible to identify the priorities of the policy of the Russian Federation in various regions of the world. The results of the analysis can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the discrepancy between the interests of the United States and China is important for the implementation of the current economic and military policy of the Russian Federation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Nir Gazit ◽  

The murder of George Floyd by a police officer in the United States in May 2020 and the subsequent turmoil, as well as the violence against migrants on the US-Mexican border, have drawn major public and media attention to the phenomenon of police brutality (see, e.g., Levin 2020; Misra 2018; Taub 2020), which is often labeled as ‘militarization of police’. At the same time, in recent years military forces have been increasingly involved in policing missions in civilian environments, both domestically (see, e.g., Kanno-Youngs 2020; Schrader 2020; Shinkman 2020) and abroad. The convergence of military conduct and policing raises intriguing questions regarding the impact of these tendencies on the military and the police, as well as on their legitimacy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-31
Author(s):  
Jakub Majkowski

This essay will firstly address the extent of Stalin’s achievements in leading the course for domestic policy of the Soviet Union and its contribution towards maintaining the country’s supremacy in the world, for example the rapid post-war recovery of industry and agriculture, and secondly, the foreign policy including ambiguous relations with Communist governments of countries forming the Eastern Bloc, upkeeping frail alliances and growing antagonism towards western powers, especially the United States of America.   The actions and influence of Stalin’s closest associates in the Communist Party and the effect of Soviet propaganda on the society are also reviewed. This investigation will cover the period from 1945 to 1953. Additionally, other factors such as the impact of post-war worldwide economic situation and attitude of the society of Soviet Union will be discussed.    


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